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LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 

PRINCETON.     N.    J. 

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THE  BOOK 


OF 


ESTHER 


THEOLOGICALLY  AND  HOMILETICALLY  EXPOUNDED, 

FR.  W.  "SCHULTZ, 

PROFESSOB   IN   ORDINARY   OF    THEOLOGY    AT    BRESLAU,    PRUSSIA. 

TRANSLATED,  ENLARGED,  AND  EDITED 


JAMES  STRONG,  S.T.D., 

PROFESSOR    OF    EXEGETICAL    THEOLOGY    IN    DREW    THEOLOGICAL    SEMINARY, 

MADISON,    N.    J. 


NEW  YORK: 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS. 
743-745  broadway. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1S77,  by 

SCRIBNER,  ARMSTRONG  &  CO., 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington. 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


INTRODUCTION. 


\  1.     CONTEXTS  AND   COMPOSITION. 

THIS  hook,  which  in  the  subscription  of  many  of  the  old  manuscripts  of  Alexandria  (as 
subjoined  to  chap.  ix.  26)  is  designated  as  v  eirtoroM)  t£>v  tovpi/t,  and  briefly  as  *>fi?X,  'Eatffa  or 
ns  "IfOX  nhiO,  and  by  the  rabbins  is  called  simply  ilhiO  [the  roll],  stands  peculiar  in  more 
than  one  respect  in  the  Old  Testament  canon.  Compared  with  the  historical  books  of  the 
Canon,  it  towers  far  above  them,  if  we  examine  its  composition— which  may  be  said  to  be 
nearly  perfect — while  it  falls  behind  them,  if  viewed  as  to  the  spirit  of  its  statement.  First, 
then,  let  us  consider  its  composition.  The  history  which  it  portrays,  appears  like  a  well- 
planned  drama ;  developing  scene  after  scene  in  rapid  succession,  and  progressing  by  fasci- 
nating movements,  to  a  consummation  which  we  may  compare  to  the  tying  of  a  knot.  But 
when  the  on/flj  is  reached,  the  solution  is  also  near  at  hand.  There  ensues  a  highly  successful 
and  impressive peripetie,  a  sudden  turn  of  fortune,  and  all  difficulties,  though  seemingly  im- 
possible, that  stand  in  the  way  of  a  desirable  conclusion,  are  continually  and  completely  over- 
come as  chapter  succeeds  chapter.  The  first  chapter  gives  us  the  introduction  to  the  whole, 
and  the  last  gives  us  a  supplement.  Of  the  eight  main  chapters,  the  first  four  are  devoted  to 
the  tying,  and  the  last  four  to  the  untying  of  the  knot.  Two  out  of  these  eight  regularly  be- 
long together  in  the  first  part,  because  of  the  relation  of  the  plot  to  the  counterplot;  in  the 
second  part,  because  they  refer  to  the  removal  of  an  identical  difficulty. 

Ahasuerus  (Acbashverosh),  the  powerful  king  of  Persia,  who  has  dominion  from  India 
to  iEthiopia,  i.e.,  over  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  provinces,  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign 
prepares  a  feast  for  the  magnates  of  hi3  kingdom,  which  lasts  a  half  year.  In  this  feast  he 
exhibits  to  his  subjects— and  thus  to  the  readers  of  the  book  likewise— the  wealth  and  mag- 
nificence of  his  kingdom.  The  reader  might  readily  anticipate  the  significance  of  the  enmity 
or  friendship  of  such  a  ruler  with  respect  to  the  Jews  and  the  honor  accruing  to  Esther 
when  he  selects  her  as  his  consort.  Neither  are  we  likely  to  lose  sight  of  the  distinction  that 
Mordecai  receives  by  being  made  his  all-powerful  representative.  When  finally  the  king 
would  parade  the  beauty  of  his  wife  Vashti  (Vashthi),  she  declines  to  appear  before  him  and 
his  guests,  and  the  consequence  is  that,  by  the  advice  of  his  seven  counsellors  he  repudiates 
her.  This  is  the  substance  of  the  first  chapter;  the  real  point  of  issue  of  the  history  is  de- 
veloped out  of  the  second  chapter.  Ahasuerus  prefers  the  Jewess  Esther,  who  is  to  be  a  sub- 
stitute for  Vashti,  before  all  other  virgins.  He  solemnly  elevates  her  to  Vashti's  position  ; 
at  the  same  time  Mordecai,  her  uncle,  from  whom  her  elevation  removed  her,  remains  near 
the  court.  She  does  not  reveal  her  Jewish  origin,  and  Mordecai  makes  the  king  his  debtor 
by  discovering  a  conspiracy  against  the  life  of  Ahasuerus.  One  would  think  that  now  better 
days  would  dawn  upon  the  Jews  in  all  the  lands  of  Persia  (chap.  ii.).    The  first  elevation  is 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


followed  by  a  second.  Haman,  who  on  account  of  his  name  and  descent  might  be  called  a 
declared  heathen  aud  enemy  to  Judaism,  is  by  Ahasuerus  made  his  prime  minister.  Irritated 
by  Mordecai's  disrespectful  attitude,  he  procures  a  decree  which,  so  far  as  human  foresight 
can  predict,  must  inevitably  result  in  the  complete  termination  of  the  Jewish  name.  Haman 
loses  no  time  in  promulgating  this  decree  in  all  the  provinces  (chap.  iii.).  In  the  fourth  chap- 
ter we  find  in  consequence  that,  in  the  entire  Persian  domain  all  who  are  called  Jews  are  in 
deep  distress,  covered  with  sackcloth  and  ashes.  Conspicuous  among  them  is  Mordecai  in  a 
mourning  suit,  standing  with  loud  lamentation  at  some  distance  from  the  king's  portal,  so  as 
to  draw  the  attention  of  the  female  servants  and  eunuchs  of  queen  Esther.  By  great  exer- 
tions he  finally  succeeds  in  obtaining  her  promise  that  she  will  dare  the  utmost  for  the  salva- 
tion of  her  people;  and  she  is  even  ready  to  perish  in  the  attempt.  She  induces  him,  to- 
gether with  all  the  Jews  in  Susa  (the  palace)  to  join  her  and  her  maids  in  preparation  for 
the  decisive  event  by  a  strict  fast  of  three  days'  duration  (chap.  iv.).  But  she  is  graciously 
received  by  her  consort,  whom  she  approaches  without  previous  permission  ;  yet  she  deems 
it  expedient  to  first  invite  the  king  to  dine  with  her  once  or  twice,  and  this  in  company  whh 
Haman,  who  is  thus  even  by  her  highly  honored  and  distinguished.  Here  although  the 
reader  begins  to  anticipate,  that  just  this  distinction  will  become,  in  the  artfulness  of  fortune, 
the  beginning  of  his  end,  nevertheless  Haman  himself  does  not  yet  perceive  it,  but  puffs  him- 
self up,  as  those  often  do  who  are  delivered  over  to  the  divine  judgment,  against  his  mortal 
enemy  Mordecai.  Just  as  he  departs  from  the  first  of  Esther's  banquets,  in  order  to  go  to  his 
home,  and  by  this  manifest  distinction  having  become  of  greater  self-importance,  atd  espe- 
cially having  already  received  a  second  invitation,  it  happens  that  he  finds  Mordecai  again 
sitting  in  the  gate  of  the  king's  palace  and  still  refusing  to  give  him  the  required  homage. 
After  he  has  taken  counsel  with  his  wife  and  friends,  and  finds  that  the  only  drawback 
to  his  great  fortune  is  this  disrespect  of  the  hated  Jew,  he  resolves,  in  order  that  he  may  en- 
joy the  happiness  and  honor  of  the  next  banquet  without  alio)-,  to  remove  this  proud  Mor- 
decai out  of  his  way  the  very  next  morning.  He  causes  a  gallows  fifty  cubits  high  to  be  con- 
structed, on  which,  in  order  that  the  punishment  might  be  the  more  terrifying  and  disgrace- 
ful, he  would  have  Mordecai  hung.  In  short,  while  the  Jews  themselves  are  prostrated  in 
mourning,  fearing  the  very  worst,  nor  yet  hoping  a  more  fortunate  turn  of  affairs  to  be  brought 
about  by  the  intercession  of  Esther,  their  mortal  enemy,  purposely  and  in  consequence  of 
Esther's  intercession  carries  his  head  especially  high,  thinking  that  his  highest  triumph  is 
now  near  at  hand,  (chap.  v.).  But  in  the  succeeding  night  sleep  flees  the  pillow  of  the  king. 
In  consequence  he  calls  his  scribe  to  read  to  him  from  the  annals  of  the  kingdom.  In  these 
is  recorded  how  Mordecai  disclosed  the  conspiracy  against  him,  thereby  saving  his  life,  and 
precisely  this  passage  is  read  to  him.  This  occasions  the  question,  how  Mordecai  had  been 
rewarded  for  having  made  himself  so  greatly  deserving  of  his  favor ;  or  rather,  since  hitherto 
he  had  not  been  rewarded,  how  or  what  reward  should  now  be  given  him  ?  Hence,  just  as 
Haman  enters  in  the  early  morning,  with  the  design  of  obtaining  permission  for  the  execu- 
tion of  Mordecai,  he  has  this  question  put  to  him,  and  an  immediate  answer  is  required.  As 
the  question  is  quite  general  and  indefinite,  namely,  what  should  be  done  to  a  man  whom  the 
king  would  delight  to  honor  ;  and  as  no  doubt  arises  in  the  mind  of  the  self-conceited  Haman 
that  his  own  preference  is  spoken  of,  it  so  happens  as  the  point  of  culmination  of  this  effect- 
ive development  that,  in  the  same  moment  in  which  he  expects  to  annihilate  his  mortal 
enemy,  he  both  pronounces  his  own  doom  and  elevates  his  enemy  to  the  highest  honor.  The 
king  forthwith  instructs  him  to  carry  out  his  own  sentence  (chap.  vi.).  But  upon  this  first 
blow,  which  of  course  naturally  falls  heavily  upon  him,  and  which  even  to  his  wife  and 
friends  presages  his  downfall,  there  follows  in  the  seventh  chapter  the  second.  In  the  second 
banquet  he  is  boldly  confronted  by  Esther,  and  Ahasuerus,  extremely  incensed  against  him, 
has  him  hung  on  the  same  gallows  which  was  erected  for  Mordecai.  Thus  in  chapters  vi.  and 
vii.  the  originator  of  the  danger  that  threatened  the  Jews  is  removed.  Now  the  question  re- 
mains, whether  and  how  the  special  regal  decree,  which  ordered  the  destruction  of  the  Jews, 
can  be  made  ineffective,  in  spite  of  the  irrevocableness  which  it  has  as  the  king's  decree. 
Chapter  viii.  relates  how  little  Mordecai  and  Esther  are  content  with  that  which  they  had 


\  2.    AIM  AND  HISTORICAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  BOOK. 


gained  in  Hainan's  downfall,  and  how  Esther  now  entreats  the  king  for  her  people,  and  how 
Mordecai,  to  whom  the  king  assigns  the  matter,  adopts  counter  measures,  by  which  the  Jews 
are  restored  to  their  rights  and  protected.  Mordecai  gave  them  permission  to  assemble  and 
defend  themselves  in  the  day  in  which  they  were  to  be  attacked.  Chapter  ix.  adds  how  for- 
tunate the  Jews  were  in  consequence,  as  they  averted  the  calamity  from  themselves  and  threw 
it  upon  their  enemies.  Indeed  they  succeeded  so  well  that  the  day  in  which  they  appre- 
hended their  destruction,  became  a  day  of  rejoicing;  and  Mordecai,  aa  well  as  Esther,  by 
means  of  letters  and  ordinances  established  this  day  to  be  celebrated  annually  as  a  day  of 
joy,  solemn  reflection  and  memorial.  With  a  view  to  indicating  not  only  their  deliverance, 
but  likewise  the  elevation  and  honor,  which  both  Mordecai  and  Judaism  experienced,  chapter 
x.  is  added  as  a  supplement.  There  also  it  is  stated  how  powerful  was  the  sway  of  Ahasue- 
rus  over  land  and  sea,  and  how  Mordecai,  still  promoting  the  welfare  of  his  people,  was  the 
second  in  the  kingdom.  If  we  briefly  condense  the  whole  matter,  we  have  the  following 
summary  : — 

Part  First.    The  origin  and  increase  of  danger  to  the  Jews  (chaps,  i. — v.). 

Introduction.     The  occasion  of  the  history.     The  State-banquet  of  Ahasuerus  and  the  rejec- 
tion of  his  spouse  Vashti  (chap.  L). 

First  Section.     The  rise  and  meeting  of  the  contrasts  (chaps,  ii.,  iii.). 

Esther  takes  the  place  of  Vashti,  and  Mordecai  deserves  well  of  Ahasuerus  (cbap.  ii.). 
Human  attains  to  consequence  and  power,  and  irritated  by  Mordecai,  resolves  and  decrees 
the  destruction  of  the  Jews  (chap.  iii.). 

Second  Section.     The  conflict  between  the  contrasts,  (chaps,  iv.,  v.). 

Mordecai,  deeply  mourning  for  his  people,  urges  upon  Esther  to  beseech  the  king  for 
mercy,  and  obtains  her  consent  (chap.  iv.). 

Esther  is  graciously  received  by  the  king.  Haman,  highly  honored  by  the  queen,  re- 
solves to  have  Mordecai  hung  (chap.  v.). 

Part  Second.    The  removal  of  the  danger  (chaps,  vi. — x.). 

First  Section.     Haman's  downfall  (chaps,  vi.,  vii.). 

Haman,  while  expecting  the  highest  distinction  for  himself,  is  deeply  humiliated,  in  the 

very  act  of  seeking  the  destruction  of  Mordecai,  his  mortal  enemy,  by  being  obliged 

by  his  own  judgment  to  concede,  and  even  with  his  own  hand  to  impart  to  him  the 

greatest  distinction  (chap.  vi.). 
Accused  by  Esther,  he  is  hung  on  the  same  tree  which  he  had  erected  for  Mordecai 

(chap.  vii.). 

Second  Section.     The  removal  of  the  danger  which  threatened  the  Jews  in  consequence  of  the 

decree  of  annihilation  issued  against  them  (chaps,  viii.,  ix.). 
Esther  and  Mordecai  obtain  permission  for  their  people  to  defend  themselves,  (ch.  viii.). 
The  Jews  rid  themselves  of  their  enemies  and  resolve,  by  the  advice  of  Mordecai  and 

Esther,  annually  to  celebrate  the  day  of  their  deliverance,  as  the  feast  of  Purim 

(chap.  ix.). 

Addenda.     Authority,  consequence  and  power  of  Mordecai  the  Jew  in  the  powerful  Persian 

world-monarchy  (chap.  x.). 

\  2.    AIM  AND   HISTORICAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE   BOOK. 

Could  authentic  evidence  be  brought  to  show  that  there  was  a  custom,  in  order  to  en- 
hance the  attractiveness  of  the  annual  celebrations,  of  publicly  reading  a  festival- book  (such 
as  in  the  last  Mizzoth  day,  Solomon's  Song;  on  the  second  of  the  Feast  of  Weeks,  the  book 
of  Ruth  ;  on  the  9th  of  Ab,  as  being  the  day  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  the  Lamenta- 
tions of  Jeremiah ;  on  the  third  day  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  Ecclesiastes),  and  could 
this  be  traced  back  to  the  time  of  the  authorship  of  our  book,  then  we  should  be  apt  to  sup- 
pose that  the  book  of  Esther  was  written  for  the  express  purpose  which  it  afterward  served, 
viz.  as  the  festival-book  (the  Megillah  or  volume)  of  the  feast  of  Purim. 

It  is  manifestly  the  intention  of  the  author  to  exhibit  the  reason  for  the  feast  of  Purim, 
i.  e.  to  narrate  the  remarkable  events  to  which  that  feast  had  reference.     He  is  so  engrossed 

11 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


with  this  festival  of  Purim,  that  he  declares  to  us  in  the  ninth  chapter  how  it  came  that  not 
only  the  14th,  but  even  the  15th,  of  Adar  was  celebrated  as  a  festival ;  and  in  vers.  24  sqq., 
he  again  briefly  condenses  the  chief  facts  of  the  history,  in  order  to  give  them  in  a  definite 
and  comprehensive  manner  as  the  ground  of  the  feast ;  and  finally  he  makes  the  name  Purim 
conspicuous  as  having  special  reference  to  these  events.  Of  course,  the  occasion  of  the  feast 
receives  from  him  particular  attention,  because  it  is  of  such  moment  to  th?  history  as  well  as 
faith  of  the  Jews,  and  in  order  to  show  that  there  is  in  the  government  of  the  world  a  justice 
which  protects  Judaism  and  preserves  it  amid  the  greatest  dangers. 

It  is  a  manifest  design  of  the  book  to  promote  a  revival  of  the  Jewish  faith,  for  the 
strengthening  of  which  this  feast  of  Purim  was  designed,  and  to  demonstrate  that  the  heathen 
enemies  fall  themselves  into  the  pit  which  they  dug  for  Judaism,  and  that  the  Jewish  people 
have  an  easy  rise  to  the  surface  though  they  may  have  fallen  for  a  time  into  abjectness  and 
dependence. 

Now  the  question  arises,  whether,  in  order  to  attain  this  object,  the  author  has  treated 
his  theme  historically  or  poetico-didactically;  aud  if  the  latter  be  true,  whether  he  has  em- 
ployed a  free  poetic  style  or  merely  given  to  historic  facts  a  pnetic  adornment.  The  historic 
treatment  has  tradition  on  its  side.  This  view  obtains  not  only  with  the  Rabbins,  but  uni- 
versally in  the  Christian  Church  also.  In  its  defence  even  Cleeicts  fin  his  Dissert,  de 
scriptoribus  librorum  hist.,  $  10)  says:  ''  It  is  a  truly  wonderful  and  paradoxical  history  (who 
will  deny  it?) ;  but  many  wonderful  things  and  foreign  to  our  customs  formerly  obtained 
among  orientals  as  also  among  many  other  peoples."  The  first  attacks  upon  its  credibility 
were  made  by  Semlee.  (Apparatus  ad  hberaliorem  V.  Test,  interpret.,  p.  152  sq.),  by  Oedee 
(  Untersuchungen  uhcr  einige  Bueher  des  Allen  Testaments,  p.  12  sqq.),  and  Coerodi  (Beleuch- 
tungdes]udischenv?idchrist!iche>iBibel-ICanonsI.,-p.6±),  and  later  by  Beetholdt  {EM. 
V.,  p.  24  sq  ),  De  Wette,  Gr.vjibeeg  (  Gcsch.  der  Religionsideen  I ,  p.  317),  Vatke  (Bib!. 
Theol.  I.,  p.  580),  and  also  by  Bleek  (Einl.  zum  Altcn  Testament);  but  they  were  aimed 
against  details,  which  are  not  definite ;  and  they  do  not  therefore  much  militate  against  a 
correct  understanding  of  the  plan  and  method  of  our  took.  Historical  investigation,  how- 
ever, cannot  reject  such  doubts  because  they  seem  to  contradict  the  received  opinions  re- 
specting the  canon.  The  latter  may  possibly  be  corrected.  Even  conservative  theology  has 
been  compelled  to  make  the  concession  that  the  book  of  Job,  indeed  even  its  introduction 
and  conclusion,  although  having  the  form  of  a  historical  statement,  are  nevertheless  to  be 
received  as  poetical  works,  and  that  the  declarations  of  Solomon  in  Koheleth  have  a  poetical 
garb.  It  has  been  conceded  that  the  book  of  Jonah  has  not  so  much  value  as  a  historical 
book,  but  rather  as  a  book  of  doctrine,  since  otherwise  it  would  not  stand  in  the  same  cate- 
gory with  the  prophetical  books.* 

"We  must,  therefore,  not  pass  too  hastily  the  question,  whether  in  the  later  periods  of 
canonical  literature  there  had  not  a  new  branch  of  literary  activity  developed  itself,  which 
might  be  termed,  in  some  sense  at  least,  as  that  of  religious  romance.  In  the  Greek- Alexan- 
drian period  as  is  shown  by  our  Apocrypha,  this  was  very  rife.  It  might  also  occasion  the 
thought,  that  in  all  public  readings  on  festival  days,  only  those  writings  were  selected  to  be 
read  which  belonged  fully  to  poetry,  such  as  Canticles  and  Lamentations,  or  which  at  least 
in  a  certain  sense  pass  over  into  poetry,  as  the  books  of  Ruth  and  Ecclesiastes. 

One  circumstance  especially  and  primarily  caused  doubts  as  to  the  strictly  historical 
character  of  this  book,  namely,  that,  in  the  real  turning-point  of  the  whole  story,  as  if  in 
order  to  raise  the  interest  of  the  reader  to  a  high  pitch,  and  also  to  make  a  satisfactory  con- 
clusion as  regards  Mordecai  and  the  Jews,  the  timely  and  fitting  nature  of  many  of  the 
incidents  seems  to  translate  the  reader  involuntarily  from  the  world  of  reality  to  that  of 
ideality.  Haman  must  take  revenge  upon  Mordecai  in  the  very  moment  of  his  anger,  and 
cause  the  gallows  upon  which  he  himself  should  be  hung  in  the  morning  to  be  erected  over 
niffht.     But  in  this  very  nicht,  when  Mordecai  has  so  much  at  stake,  the  king  is  made  to 

*  [The  author  has  made  this  admission  too  vaguely  and  unguardedly.  The  result  of  modern  criticism  has 
l,eon  not  to  overthrow  the  historical  basis  of  the  hooks  referred  to,  but  only  to  confirm  the  opinion  early  broached, 
and  not  infrequently  entertained,  that  their  dress  and  language  is  poetical.— Tr.] 


2.    AIM  AND  HISTORICAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  BOOK. 


have  a  disturbed  sleep,  and  thereupon  cause  the  state  documents  (chronicles)  to  be  read  to 
him,  by  the  means  of  which  he  is  reminded  of  the  desert  of  Mordecai.  The  question  of  the 
king,  which  is  quite  indefinite,  is  accordingly  misunderstood  by  Hainan,  and  thus  misleads 
him,  so  that  he  applies  it  to  himself,  and  in  consequence  of  this  self-deception,  awards  to 
his  mortal  enemy  the  highest  distinction,  and  that  too  in  the  very  moment  when  he  is  intent 
on  his  destruction  In  order  to  explain  such  facts  one  must  have  recurrence  to  the  special 
divine  Providence,  which  rules  over  Mordecai  and  over  the  Jewish  nation  in  general. 

However  intent  God  may  be  in  a  plan  where  the  salvation  or  protection  of  His  own 
people  depends  upon  it;  and  though  at  times  He  may  bring  about  occurrences  in  their  favor 
which  are  so  wonderful  as  to  make  His  special  interference  manifest  to  the  believer  never- 
theless the  facts  are  not  usually  so  artistically  arranged  by  Him,  as  appears  here.  Besides 
it  is  remarkable  that  Mordecai  should  not  ere  this  have  received  some  suitable  reward  for 
his  meritorious  act;  so  likewise  that  Esther  did  not  at  the  first  feast  bring  her  particular 
request  before  the  king.  It  would  really  seem  as  if  Esther  had  been  enjoined  to  wait,  at  least 
until  Hainan  should  gain  time  to  determine  the  execution  of  Mordecai.  Above  all,  semblance 
is  given  to  the  thought  that  Mordecai's  reward  is  purposely  postponed,  in  order  that  it  might 
be  accorded  to  him  in  the  supreme  and  decisive  moment  of  the  whole  proceeding. 

But  if  we  must  acknowledge  the  influence  of  a  transformative  and  embellishing  imagery 
in  this  chief  stage  of  the  drama,  this  would  be  inconsistent  if  it  were  not  possible  to  hold  the 
same  in  other  places,  where  it  comes  within  the  didactic  purpose  of  the  author,  and  where  by 
a  change  in  form  of  the  transmitted  material  the  intended  impression  could  be  more  seriously 
brought  about. 

Possibly  it  may  be  assumed  that  Esther  did  not — at  least  permanently — occupy  the  posi- 
tion of  first  (chief)  wife,  but  held  only  a  subordinate  one,  as  a  preferred  concubine  before 
several  others  in  Vashti's  stead.  Indeed,  our  book  hints  at  such  a  fact;  since  even  after 
Esther's  elevation,  there  is  mention  in  chap.  ii.  19  of  another  collection  of  virgins,  which 
appears  to  have  had  the  same  significance  as  the  first  one.  It  is  well  known  that  the  profane 
writers  are  not  only  silent  in  reference  to  Esther,  but  they  also  relate  several  things  as  regards 
the  chief  wife  of  Xerxes,  which  have  no  application  to  Esther.  They  call  the  former  Arncs- 
tris,  and  say  in  reference  to  her,  not  only  that  she  was  a  daughter  of  Otanes  (  Herod.  VII.  64), 
or  of  Onofas  (Ctesias,  \  20),  but  also  that  Xerxes  was  married  to  her  even  previous  to  the 
expedition  to  Greece  (Herod.  IX.  109).  Further  on  it  states  that  he  married  off  Darius  his 
oldest  son  by  her,  in  the  year  479,  or  immediately  after  the  march  to  Greece  (Herod.  IX.  108), 
while  Esther,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  was  raised  to  be  queen  after  the  Grecian  expedition. 
To  this  may  be  added  that,  according  to  Herodotus  III.  108,  the  real  queens  were  selected 
only  from  the  seven  chief  Persian  families.  Moreover,  according  to  the  Zend-Avesta  (comp. 
Kleurer,  Anhang.,  I.  78),  marriage  proper  with  women  of  any  other  tribe  was,  to  the  Per- 
sians, strictly  forbidden. 

Perhaps  it  may  further  be  stated,  indeed  one  might  safely  affirm  that,  Haman  was  not 
really  an  Agagite,  i.  e.,  a  descendant  of  the  Amalekite  king  Agag,  but  that  this  designation 
was  only  given  in  a  symbolical  way.  Hence,  according  to  his  whole  manner,  as  is  affirmed 
by  the  Targums  prius  et  postering,  he  would  as  the  arch-enemy  of  Israel,  hold  a  relation  to 
Edom  intrinsically  identical,  but  varied  in  its  outward  expression,  by  being  opposed  to  Mor- 
decai, who  had  sprung  from  the  family  of  Saul.  Thus  the  name  Haman,  as  well  as  that  of 
his  father  (comp.  on  chap.  iii.  1),  might  be  of  significance  in  this  relation. 

The  remark,  that  Shushan,  the  c' ty  ( not  usually  the  Jews  resident  there,  but  the  city  itself ) , 
fell  into  consternation  and  alarm  at  the  announcement  of  the  first  regal  decree,  which  com- 
manded the  destruction  of  the  Jews  (comp.  chap.  iii.  15)  may  perhaps  be  somewhat  exagge- 
rated. So  likewise  at  the  publication  of  the  second  decree,  in  which  the  Jews  were  permitted 
to  defend  themselves,  the  assertion  that  the  city  rejoiced  exceedingly  (comp.  chap.  viii.  15) 
is  not  to  be  accepted  as  strictly  true.  This  remark,  perhaps,  has  its  ground  in  the  intention 
of  the  author,  to  bring  into  prominence  the  cruelty  of  the  first  decree,  and  the  justice  of  the 
second,  as  also  the  greatness  both  of  the  threatened  misfortune  and  of  the  following  good 
fortune.     Finally,  the  statement  given  in  chap.  ix.  that,  on  that  decisive  day  seventy-five 


INTROBUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


thousand  persons  perished  at  the  hands  of  the  Jew3,  doubtless  does  not  rest  upon  an  actual 
count;  but  it  is  rather  the  design  of  the  author  to  represent  the  victory  of  the  Jews  as  grand 
and  extensive.  Of  course  in  all  these  points  we  are  necessitated  to  content  ourselves  with  a 
bare  "possibility,"  or  even  "  probability.''  Yet  we  must  not  forget  that  a  judgment  may  in 
such  things  be  rendered  merely  from  a  subjective  and  individual  point  of  view,  and  that  ive 
lack  objective  criteria.  Finally,  the  conditions  and  circumstances  of  the  case  are  to  be 
regarded,  of  which  we  now  have  not  sufficient  knowledge. 

The  an ti -traditional  view,  as  held  by  Semlee,  Oeder,  Coreodi,  and  among  later  critics 
Hitzio  (Gesch.  Isr.  I.  p.  280),  and  Zunz  (Zeitschrift  d.  D.  M.  O.  XXVII.  4,  p.  684),  -which 
is  that  the  history  of  our  book  is  in  several  places  not  only  poetically  adorned,  but  really 
invented  as  a  whole,  in  order  to  represent  naturally  a  truth  that  seems  to  require  statement 
in  a  historical  form — is  a  view  which  would  incline  us  to  accept  the  theory  of  an  apologetical 
tendency  in  reference  to  our  book,  could  we  thus  be  enabled  to  look  upon  it  as  actual,  if  not 
in  all  respects,  yet  at  least  in  the  cardinal  points,  especially  as  regards  the  persons  treated  of, 
in  their  manner,  their  destiny,  or  even  in  their  names,  intentions,  and  thoughts.  Under  that 
view  Esther,  who  had  grown  great  in  lowly  circumstances,  herself  poor  but  amiable,  might 
represent  the  later  Jewish  nation  growing  up  in  exile,  and  not  distinguished  from  other 
peoples  by  its  external  greatness,  but  rather  by  its  internal  importance  and  effectiveness. 
Esther's  name  is  really  Hadassah,  or  "Myrtle."  In  Zech.  i.  8  the  post-exilian  nation  is  com- 
pared to  the  myrtles  on  the  shore  of  the  roaring  sea,  a  symbol  of  the  moving  masses  of  huma- 
nity. Her  assumed  name  Esther  (aster,  "a  star"),  on  the  other  hand,  might  point  to  the 
reflection  of  light,  which  flows  from  the  fulness  of  salvation  as  from  the  Lord,  notwithstand- 
ing the  tribulation  inflicted  upon  her  nation.  Or  she  might  have  simply  pointed  to  the  hope 
which  the  older  generation,  in  the  midst  of  the  night  of  the  tribulation  of  their  exile,  placed 
in  the  younger.  This  nation  stands  under  the  lead  and  care  of  the  old  and  serious  Mordecai, 
who  perhaps  derived  his  name  from  the  Chaldee  god  Merodaeh.  But  even  he  desires  to  con- 
duct himself  according  to  the  Jewish  laws  in  the  midst  of  Chaldsea  and  Persia,  though  it  be 
at  the  risk  of  his  life,  defying  the  power  of  the  heathen  potentate.  Thus  as  an  exile,  carried 
to  Chaldrea,  he  might  represent  a  type  of  the  old  generation,  which,  as  it  were,  had  fallen  a 
prey  to  Merodaeh,  and  yet,  even  in  this  heathen  land,  maintained  a  strong  repugnance  against 
heathen  morals  and  laws,  and  opposed  them  with  an  unbending  inflexibility.  Esther's 
father,  Abihail,  i.  q.,  "  the  man  of  power  and  skill,"  had  long  since  departed.  Thus  the 
fathers,  to  whose  freedom  and  dignity  the  younger  or  rising  generation  would  gladly  have 
aspired,  was  gone.  But  the  real  fathers  still  remained,  to  whose  covenant  rights  and  inhe- 
ritance a  claim  might  still  be  laid.  Or,  if  we  would  be  guided  by  certain  analogies  in 
the  book  of  Daniel,  we  might  regard  Esther  as  the  image  of  a  guardian  angel,  who,  where 
the  destinies  of  nations  are  decided,  makes  intercession  for  Israel  (comp.  Dan.  x.  13,  20). 
Mordecai  would  then  certainly  represent  the  Jews  who,  above  all  others,  are  loyal  and  trust- 
worthy; and  he  accordingly  shows  his  loyalty  to  Ahasuerus,  by  opposing  the  scheme  to  take 
away  the  life  of  that  ruler.  Haman,  on  the  other  hand,  i.  q.,  "  the  one  sacrificing  to  Somao," 
the  son  of  Hamadatha,  as  "  belonging  to  the  moon,"  i.  e.,  the  chief  heathen  deity,  the  Aga- 
gite  and  the  Amalekite,  would  be  a  type  of  the  principal  heathen  potentates  who  hate  and 
seek  to  destroy  the  people  of  God.  Vashti's  rejection  and  Esther's  acceptance  in  preference  to 
many  others,  rather  would  signify  that  Israel  has  long  been  preferred  before  other  peoples,  though 
this  has  as  yet  been  a  secret  to  the  world.  But  that  Haman  comes  to  power  and  forthwith 
designs  the  destruction  of  the  Jews,  would  indicate  that  in  spite  of  the  election  of  Israel  the 
world  is  still  the  principal  enemy  to  the  kingdom  of  God.  Indeed,  this,  which  might  he 
called,  as  in  the  N.  T.,  the  anti  Christian  worlil,  has  dominion  over  the  people  of  the  cove- 
nant, as  is  strikingly  evinced  in  the  Jewish  exile  in  contrast  with  the  theocracy.  What  is 
stated  of  Ahasuerus,  as  being  the  Lord  of  the  then  known  world,  would  remind  us  of  the 
mode  in  which  Providence  seems  to  govern  the  world,  leaving  full  liberty  to  the  rulers  inimi- 
cal to  God.  This  ruler  is  found  to  be  indifferent  to  the  distress  of  the  oppressed  and  threat- 
ened people  (comp.  chap.  iii.  15),  indeed  he  is  bound  by  an  irrevocable  edict  of  persecution 
against  the  people  of  God.     The  troubles  of  this  exile  had  been  inflicted  by  divine  justice 


I  2.   AIM  AND  HISTORICAL  CHARACTER  OF  THE  BOOK.  7 

and  now  the  question  remained  how  grace  could  have  scope  again  (cornp.  Isa.  xlix.  24).  But 
grace  ever  active,  makes  itself  known,  and  remembers  those  who  are  recorded  in  the  great 
book  of  life  as  God's  faithful  ones.  The  fall  of  Haman  would  then  picture  forth  the  remo- 
val of  Anti-Christ.  The  destruction  of  the  remaining  enemies  would  shadow  forth  the  over- 
throw of  those  who  are  not  actively  hostile,  but  simply  not  receptive  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 
Both  would  foreshadow  the  judgment  of  God  in  its  negative  aspect.  The  conversion  of  many 
in  Persia  (chap.  viii.  17)  would  indicate  the  conversion  of  heathen  people  as  the  positive  side 
of  the  divine  judgment  upon  the  world.  In  short  the  whole  would  be  an  allegory,  which 
would  teach  those  who  in  later  times  are  oppressed,  that  a  higher  Power  is  fighting  for  Israel ; 
that  its  bitterest  enemies  are,  by  reason  of  their  hostile  machinations,  the  cause  of  their  own 
destruction;  that  the  faithful  ones  will  yet  get  the  victory,  in  spite  of  all  their  tribulations. 
This  would  be  a  vivid  representation  of  what  would  come  to  pass  after  the  sufferings  of  the 
exile,  by  way  of  contrast,  and  especially  the  judgment  to  be  brought  about  by  the  coming 
of  the  Messiah,  and  even  that  which  shall  yet  come  at  the  end  of  time.  Hence  many  things, 
which  according  to  the  letter  of  our  history,  seem  low  and  worldly,  indeed  repulsive,  would, 
if  viewed  in  this  aspect,  contain  a  high  religious  truth,  and  our  book  would  be  regarded  with 
far  greater  favor  than  has  hitherto  been  given  it.  Every  one  feels  that  Esther,  Mordecai 
and  Haman  have  in  fact  a  higher  and  more  general  signification.  There  are,  however,  many 
positive  traits,  which  cannot  be  explained  by  this  allegorical  theory.  Especially  noteworthy 
is  the  circumstance  that  our  book  at  its  close  (chap.  ix.  16),  in  relating  the  inauguration  of 
the  Feast  of  Purim,  explicitly  claims  to  give  real  facts.  The  occurrences  which  lie  at  the 
basis  of  the  story  have  been  apprehended  by  the  author  much  more  clearly  than  he  could 
have  done  the  future  history  of  the  Jews,  and  yet  in  such  a  light  as  to  make  them  the  mirror 
of  grander  developments  thereafter.  The  chief  persons,  of  whom  he  speaks,  have  as  it  were 
gained  representative  positions,  so  that  at  their  mention  we  think  also  of  other  persons.  But 
these  are  not  mere  pictures,  and  the  material  employed  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  poetically 
invented,  but  as  historically  given. 

Should  we  even  regard  the  substantial  part  of  the  history  of  Esther  as  unhistorical,  still 
the  question  would  necessarily  arise,  how  to  account  for  the  history  of  the  Feast  of  Purim. 
According  to  1  Mace.  vii.  40  sqq.  Judas  Maccabreus  defeated  the  Syrian  general  Nicanor  on 
the  13th  Adar,  a  day  before  the  Feast  of  Purim,  near  a  place  called  Adasa,  which  might  pos- 
sibly be  interpreted  as  Had<issah,  "  the  myrtle."  As  a  memorial  of  this  victory  the  13th  of 
the  month  Adar  was  to  be  celebrated  annually  as  a  national  holiday.  The  fact  that  on  this 
occasion  the  Feast  of  Purim  was  not  mentioned,  has  been  taken  as  a  proof  by  J.  D.  Mi- 
chaelis,  that  the  author  of  the  1  Maccabees  had  no  knowledge  as  yet  of  the  Feast  of  Purim. 
One  might  even  go  farther  and  assume  that  the  Feast  of  Purim  took  its  rise  from  the  day  of 
the  defeat  of  Nicanor.  The  author  of  the  apocryphal  additions  of  our  book  designates  Ha- 
man as  a  Macedonian  (comp.  \  4),  in  which  case  a  relation  to  Nicanor  might  be  established. 
Certain  it  is  that  the  day  of  Nicauor's  defeat  gradually  went  over  into  that  of  the  Feast  of 
Purim. 

Although  the  former  is  still  mentioned  in  the  Mishnic  tract  Taanith  (ch.  xii.),  also  in 
the  Babyl.  Talmud  ( Tannit,  seq.  18  b),  and  in  Massachet  Sophrim  (ch.  xvii.  4),  yet,  according 
to  Grijim  (on  1  Mace.  vii.  49),  it  has  not  been  celebrated  as  a  memorial  of  Nicanor  for  at 
least  one  thousand  years  back.  For  the  so-called  Feast  of  Little  Purim  has  nothing  at  all 
to  do  with  it ;  but  the  latter  is  merely  the  usual  Feast  of  Purim,  occurring  on  the  14th  and 
15th  days  of  the  12th  month  in  a  leap  year,  when  the  Feast  of  Great  Purim  falls  on  the 
same  days  of  the  13th  month.  Still  there  was  required  more  time  for  such  a  metamorphosis, 
by  which  a  Nicanor  was  transformed  into  a  Haman,  than  is  thus  allowed.  Even  the  author 
of  2  Mace,  according  to  ch.  xv.  36,  recognizes  Purim  as  the  UapSoXaw^  folpa,  and  he  then 
distinguishes  the  Feast  of  Nicanor  as  quite  another.  In  agreement  with  him  Josephus,  in 
his  Ant.  xi.  6,  13,  also  affirms  that  Purim  was  celebrated  by  the  Jews  of  the  whole  world  as 
a  remembrance  of  the  occurrences  detailed  in  our  book.  Indeed  he  himself  is  fully  convinced 
that  it  was  so  celebrated  since  the  time  of  Persia.     Haman  and  Nicanor  are  entirely  different 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


persons,  and  the  deliverances  which,  the  Jews  enjoyed  with  respect  to  them  are  too  different 
in  nature  to  favor  the  idea  of  a  transformation  of  the  one  into  the  other. 

Hitzig  (Gesch.  Israels  I.,  p.  280)  supposes  that  Purim  had  been  originally  the  New 
Year's  Feast  of  the  Persians.  They  began  their  year  in  the  Spring,  when  Purim  was  cele- 
brated; and  in  Arabic  the  New  Year  is  still  called  Pur.  Hence  he  also  takes  into  account 
the  Persian  Purdeghan  (Leap-year),  to  which  Hammer  had  already  referred  as  being  a 
foundation  for  the  Jewish  festival.  Zunz  also  (I.  c.)  thinks  that  the  Jews  had  appropriated 
to  themselves  the  Persian  Spring-festival  which  corresponds  to  the  German  Christmas  festi- 
vities. The  authorities,  not  able  to  abolish  this  feast,  or  perhaps  unwilling  to  do  so,  took 
care  to  legitimize  it  as  a  day  of  rejoicing,  and  hence  gave  it  a  Jewish  origin  and  import. 
Hitzig  also  assumes  further  that  a  fact  of  the  Parthian  period  first  gave  the  significance  of 
Purim  as  being  that  of  lot  ("loose") ;  the  Parthiaus  of  Scythian  origin  probably  had  such 
words  as  Pur,  lot  (loose),  and  Agha  whence  Hainan  probably  derived  his  epithet  of  Agagite 
(ch.  iii.  1);  for  even  they  also  without  a  doubt  had  a  Kislar-Agha  (comp.  ch.  ii.  3).  But 
that  the  custom  of  celebrating  a  day  of  rejoicing  in  the  month  of  Adar  had  not  only  crept 
in  here  and  there  from  heathen  surroundings,  but  that  it  should  also  have  attained  to  recog- 
nition by  these  who  were  strict  in  their  national  observances,  and  even  with  the  authorities 
themselves,  is  not  to  be  conceived  of  as  possible  under  the  then  existing  circumstances,  un- 
less it  took  its  rise  in  a  historical  occasion  adequate  to  account  for  its  adoption  into  Juda- 
ism. Hence  the  necessity  of  recognizing  the  fact  which  our  book  relates,  as  the  real  foun- 
dation, in  any  case.  To  suppose  that  the  festival  could  everywhere  have  gained  currency 
independently  of  this  basis,  would  be  to  confound  those  ancient  times,  in  which  an  inflexi- 
ble opposition  to  Judaism  was  predominant,  with  our  modern  age,  in  which  this  has  to  a 
great  degree  ceased.  Besides,  the  festival  of  Purdeghan  has  but  little  resemblance  to  that  of 
Purim.  The  former  lasted  ten  days.  The  first  five  were  devoted  to  the  memory  of  the  dead, 
and  hence  were  a  season  of  mourning  (comp.  Herzfeld,  Oesch.  Israels,  II.  1,  p.  183).  If 
Hitzig  finds  it  improbable  that  the  feast  of  Purim  took  its  name  from  the  casting  of  lots 
over  Haman,  on  the  ground  that  the  latter  retreats  out  of  sight  in  the  history,  on  the  other 
hand  we  should  consider  that  the  lot  of  Haman  was  the  voice  of  God.  The  day  selected  for 
the  casting  of  the  lot,  if  it  had  brought  the  destruction  of  the  Jews,  would  have  been  the 
day  of  the  victory  of  heathen  gods  over  the  God  of  Israel.  But  since  that  event  did  not 
occur,  it  became  a  day  of  the  refutation  of  the  heathen  deities,  i.  e.,  of  the  victory  and  tri- 
umph both  of  Judaism  and  the  Jewish  law  and  God  over  them. 

That  such  a  history  is  basal  to  the  Feast  of  Purim,  as  our  book  relates  it,  will  always 
remain  by  far  the  most  probable  view,  and  hence  is  maintained  in  more  modern  times  by  such 
men  as  Baumgarten  {Defide  libri  Estherm,  1830),  after  Haevernick  ;  also  by  Keil  and  J. 
A.  NlCKES  {De  Estherce  libra  el  ad  eum  quae  pertinent  vaticiniis  et  Psalmis  libri  Ires,  BomEe, 
1856).  These  defend  the  historical  character  of  our  book  in  its  strictness,  and  are  reinforced 
by  Staeheliu  {Spec.  Einl.  in  d.  Kan.  Buchern.  d.  A.  T.),  Bertheau,  and  especially  by  Ewald 
(Gesch.  Israels,  IV.,  p.  29G),  who  hold  our  book  to  be  substantially  historical. 

Several  things,  which  in  our  present  condition  seem  to  us  very  improbable,  could  per- 
haps be  easily  explained  by  reference  to  the  peculiar  circumstances,  customs  and  usages  of 
the  ancient  Persian  empire,  especially  from  the  characteristic  traits  of  Ahasuerus  (Xerxes). 
We  do  not  propose  to  enter  upon  this  subject,  so  much  for  the  purpose  of  directly  corrobo- 
rating the  historical  character  of  the  book  as  in  order  to  show  that  the  attacks  made  against 
it  are  very  doubtful.  If  De  Wette  thinks  he  finds  a  marked  weakness  in  the  narrative  in 
the  circumstance  that  Esther  is  represented  as  keeping  secret  her  Jewish  descent,  not  only 
at  ch.  ii.  20,  where  she  is  chosen  queen  by  the  king,  but  up  to  the  very  time  of  the  catastro- 
phe, and  that  even  Haman  does  not  suspect  her  relation  to  Mordecai,  while  the  king  him- 
self is  surprised  at  her  request  to  be  saved  (comp.  vii.  5) ;  on  the  other  hand  we  may  consider 
that  a  great  king,  such  as  Xerxes,  doubtless  was  too  highly  elevated  to  concern  himself 
about  the  personal  circumstances  of  his  female  favorites,  and  that  Hainan,  in  his  official 
relation,  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  harem  of  the  king. 

But  the  main  fact  that  Ahasuerus  at  Hainan's  request  resolved  to  issue  an  edict  which 


I  2.   AIM  AND  HISTORICAL  CHARACTER  OP  THE  BOOK. 


ordered  tlie  destruction  of  all  the  Jews  in  the  entire  Persian  empire,  is  not  without  anal','.. 
Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  in  his  war  against  Rome,  issued  secret  orders  to  all  the  satrapa 
and  chief  local  authorities  of  his  kingdom,  to  murder  on  a  certain  day  all  Romans  without 
distinction  of  sex  or  age,  whereliy  eighty  thousand,  or  as  some  estimate,  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  persons  lost  their  lives.  Jlehmed,  a  pasha  of  Zaid,  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
surprised  the  entire  nation  of  the  Druses,  and  caused  all  that  were  met  with  to  be  killed 
(Aryieux,  Mcrkw.  Xachr.,  I.,  p.  391).  A  similar  thing  occurred  also  in  Europe.  At 
the  time  of  "  the  Sicilian  vespers "  there  fell  eight  thousand  Frenchmen  in  Catanea 
alone.  Ferdinand  the  Catholic  drove  out  of  Spain  over  three  hundred  thousand  Jews,  and 
Louis  XIV.  drove  out  of  France  several  hundred  thousands  of  Protestants,  after  causing 
thousands  more  to  be  murdered  (comp.  Rosestmtjeller,  Bibl.  Allerth.,  I.,  p.  379).  The 
Parisian  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew's  night  is  another  specially  analogous  case.  Keil 
very  justly  makes  prominent  the  point  in  reference  to  these  facts,  that  Greek  and  Roman 
authors  are  unanimous  in  their  portrait  of  Xerxes,  and  paint  him  as  a  very  riotous,  licen- 
tious monarch,  and  an  extremely  cruel  tyrant.  The  commentator  last  cited  goes  on  to  say : 
"  Xerxes  was  the  despot  who,  after  the  wealthy  Lydian  Pythius  had  most  richly  entertained 
the  Persian  army  in  its  march  against  Greece,  and  offered  an  immense  sum  of  money  as  a 
contribution  to  the  costs  of  the  war,  on  his  making  a  petition  to  have  the  oldest  of  his  five 
sons  then  in  the  army  given  to  him  as  a  solace  for  his  old  age,  became  so  enraged  that  he 
caused  the  son  asked  for  to  be  cut  in  pieces,  and  laid  the  pieces  on  both  sides  of  the  way, 
and  ordered  his  army  to  march  through  between  them  (Herod.  VII.  37-39;  Seneca,  De  ira 
VII.  17) ;  the  tyrant,  who  caused  the  heads  of  those  to  be  cut  off  who  built  the  pontoon 
bridge  over  the  Hellespont,  because  a  storm  had  destroyed  the  bridge,  and  who  ordered  the 
sea  to  be  lashed  with  whips  and  bound  with  chains  sunk  under  the  waves  (Herod.  VII.  35)  ; 
the  debauchee,  who  after  his  return  from  Greece,  sought  to  drown  the  vexation  of  his  shame- 
ful defeat  by  means  of  sensuality  and  revelry  (Herod.  IX.  108,  599).  Such  a  frantic  tyrant 
was  he  as  to  be  capable  of  all  that  is  related  in  our  book  of  Ahasuerus."  Spiegel,  in  his 
Eranischen  Altertkmnskunde  (II.,  p.  402),  gives  a  very  mild  judgment  concerning  Xerxes,  yet 
even  he  says:  "There  is  no  question  that  he  fell  far  behind  his  predecessors  in  regard  to 
energy  and  other  capabilities;  he  seems  to  have  been  of  a  sanguine  nature;''  and  the  same 
writer  also  proves  the  great  thoughtlessness  of  that  king,  especially  in  his  relations  to  his 
uncle  Artabanus  (Herod.  VII.  10,  11,  48,  49),  and  in  regard  to  Demaratus  (Heeod.  VII. 
101-104). 

Haman's  publishing  of  the  decree  of  extermination  eleven  months  previous  to  the  day 
appointed  for  the  butchery  was  perhaps  less  foolish  than  it  would  appear  to  us  in  our  cir- 
cumstances. Besides  it  is  very  questionable  whether  so  short  a  time  as  a  month  would  have 
been  sufficient  to  carry  the  edict  to  the  remotest  parts  of  the  empire,  as  Bertheau  seems  to 
suppose.  Mordecai,  who  issued  the  counter-edict  three  months  later,  urged  (as  is  expressly 
stated  in  chap.  viii.  10-14)  the  greatest  speed.  This  was  done  not  only  to  remove  the  ter- 
ror of  the  Jews  as  soon  as  possible,  but  also  to  prevent  any  acts  of  oppression.  To  us  of 
to-day  it  would  indeed  appear  as  if  Hainan  would  have  made  the  destruction  of  the 
Jews  only  the  more  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  by  what  might  seem  to  us  an  untimely 
and  hasty  publication  of  his  decree.  But  to  a  Persian  despot  his  subjects  were  never  out  of 
reach.  The  Jews  might  here  and  there  have  made  an  attempt  at  flight.  But  this  might  not 
have  been  very  unwelcome  to  Haman,  since  the  goods  of  the  fugitives  could  have  easily  been 
confiscated.  To  Haman  it  was  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  cause  the  decree  of  the  king 
to  become  very  early  a  fixed  irrevocable  law;  and  this  doubtless  would  be  attained  most  cer- 
tainly by  its  publication.  Besides,  it  was  a  gratification  to  himself  to  torment  those  detested 
Jews  long  before  the  blow  was  to  be  struck,  and  especially  to  let  them  see  that  their  enemies 
were  deliberate  and  easy  in  their  preparation  for  the  final  blow. 

The  success  of  the  orders  issued  by  Mordecai,  which  appears  from  the  statement  that,  in  the 
various  parts  of  the  Persian  dominion  75,000  persons  perished  in  their  attack  on  the  Jews,  will 
seem  less  doubtful  than  it  might  at  first  if  we  consider  the  great  extent  of  Persia,  reaching  from 
India  to  iEthiopia.     The  aggressors  might  very  easily  have  overestimated  the  sympathy  which 


10  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 

they  received  from  their  own  people  and  religious  associates ;  and  the  power  of  resistance 
on  the  part  of  the  Jews  might  easily  have  been  underestimated.  Hence  it  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at  if  the  former  were  badly  vanquished  and  perished.  The  number  seventy-five  thou- 
sand can,  of  course,  be  only  assumed  as  an  approximation,  and  the  intention  of  the  author 
may  have  been  influenced  to  its  acceptance  by  reason  of  the  facts  above  stated. 

The  circumstance  that  Ahasuerus  granted  a  new  edict  at  the  request  of  Esther,  in  which 
the  Jews  resident  in  Shushan  were  permitted  to  continue  the  massacre  on  the  following  day 
also,  even  when  no  new  attack  was  attempted  upon  them,  might  be  explained  by  the  assump- 
tion that,  in  such  a  large  city  there  was  a  great  rabble  element  which  had  fallen  upon  the 
Jews  the  first  day,  and  which  would  recommence  the  conflict  after  they  had  come  forth  from 
their  temporary  hiding-places.  To  such  as  had  begun  the  conflict,  and  regarding  whom  the 
Jews  were  ou  the  defensive,  this  second  decree  had  equal  reference.  It  only  permitted  them 
to  fulfil  what  the  first  edict  ordered,  (chap.  ix.  13). 

A  favorable  opinion  is  created  with  regard  to  the  historical  veracity  of  the  author,  in 
that  he  correctly  knows  and  vividly  describes  the  customs  and  arrangement  at  the  Persian 
court,  in  so  far  as  they  have  interest  for  him ;  and  that  he  calls  by  name  those  persons  who 
enter  into  the  history  portrayed  by  him,  such  as  courtiers  (chapter  i.  10),  the  seven  Persian 
princes  (chap.  i.  14),  the  keepers  of  the  women's  houses  (seraglios)  (chap.  ii.  8, 14),  the  cham- 
berlain whom  Esther  sent  out  to  Mordecai  (chap.  iv.  5),  the  wife  and  ten  sons  of  Haman 
(chapters  vi.  13 ;  ix.  7-9).  Further,  he  makes  reference  to  the  annual  records  of  the  Medo- 
Persians,  as  to  the  source  in  which  were  described,  not  only  the  deeds  of  Ahasuerus,  but  also 
Mordecai's  greatness  and  power  (chap.  x.  2).  Of  course,  a  poet  should  correctly  represent 
the  manners  and  conditions  which  he  would  portray ;  and  our  author  might  very  properly 
have  been  in  possession  of  sufficient  learning,  or  he  may  have  written  in  a  time  and  place 
where  one  could  easily  and  almost  intuitively  learn  about  Persian  matters.  On  this  account 
we  would  naturally  expect  the  absence  of  vulgar  mistakes.  Still  it  was  not  the  habit  with 
the  Jewish  authors  of  the  last  centuries  B.  C.  to  distinguish  themselves  by  correct  historical 
knowledge,  or  by  an  accurate  apprehension  of  those  far-off  times.  The  contrary  was  of  such 
common  occurrence  and  fault  that  our  book,  in  this  regard,  is  entitled  to  the  more  distinc- 
tion. It  has  been  asserted  that  the  office  of  Grand  Vizier,  such  as  was  held  by  Haman,  and 
afterwards  by  Mordecai,  was  not  properly  Persian.  But  Enger  (Zeitschr.  d.  D.  M.  1859,  p. 
239  ff.)  has  conclusively  shown  that  the  office  of  vizier  really  originated  and  had  its  develop- 
ment in  Persia.  To  resign  the  proper  functions  of  government  to  a  favorite,  must  have  been 
a  chief  concern  to  a  weakling  like  Xerxes,  who  lived  only  for  sensual  pleasures.  Thus  also 
the  Merovingians  had  their  major  domus  who  finally  usurped  the  government  and  power  of 
the  kingdom. 

It  is  especially  remarkable  that  the  events  related  in  the  narrative  can,  according  to  their 
historical  dates,  which  the  author  gives,  be  very  appropriately  inserted  in  the  rest  of  the  his- 
tory of  Xerxes  as  given  by  Greek  historians.  This  is  of  the  greater  importance,  since  the 
author  does  not  at  all  refer  to  previous  history.  It  was  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign  that 
Ahasuerus  gave  the  great  feast  in  Shushan,  which  lasted  one  hundred  and  eighty  days  (one 
half  of  a  Persian  year).  According  to  Herod,  vii.  8,  Xerxes  proclaimed  an  edict  in  the  third 
year  of  his  reign,  after  the  termination  of  his  war  against  Egypt;  and  in  that  edict  he  con- 
voked all  the  princes  of  his  empire  to  Shushan,  in  order  to  plan  the  campaign  against  Greece. 
Such  deliberations  were  generally  accompanied  with  festivities  by  the  Persian  kings  (comp. 
Winer,  Realworterbuck,  II.,  p.  229,  and  Baumgarten,  I.,  p.  139).  Vashti's  rejection,  there 
fore,  occurred  in  the  third  year  of  Ahasuerus,  and  soon  afterwards  the  choice  of  a  new  queen 
was  made.  Yet  Esther,  according  to  chap.  ii.  16,  was  chosen  near  the  close  of  the  seventh 
year;  and,  according  to  chap.  ii.  19,  another  assembly  of  virgins  was  ordered,  from  which  a 
further  selection  was  to  be  made  to  take  the  place  of  Vashti.  This  remarkable  postponement 
may  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  between  Ahasuerus'  third  year  and  his  seventh  the  time 
of  preparation  and  the  war  against  Greece  intervened.  Xerxes  returned  to  Persia  in  the 
Spring  of  his  seventh  year.  Thus  his  special  history  becomes,  as  it  were,  a  commentary  for 
our  book. 


\  3.    CANONICAL  DIGNITY.  11 


g  3.    CANONICAL   DIGNITY. 

It  seems  as  if  the  canonicity  of  our  book  had  at  first  been  doubted  among  the  Jews.  In 
the  Jerusalem  Talmud  (Megilloth,  lxx.  4)  and  in  the  Midrash  [Rath,  45  c.)  we  find  the  state- 
ment that  eighty-five  elders,  among  whom  were  thirty  or  more  prophets,  combated  the  in- 
troduction of  the  Feast  of  Purim,  though  they  finally  gave  it  their  sanction.  It  is  also  inti- 
mated that  these  men  were  contemporaries  of  Mordecai.  This  remark  has  really  nothing  to 
do  with  the  book  of  Esther  as  such,  but  has  only  reference  to  the  precepts  in  regard  to  the 
fasts,  which  were  ordered  by  both  Esther  and  Mordecai,  (chap.  ix.  29-32).  Still,  to  combat 
the  latter  would  be  to  indirectly  attack  the  genuineness  of  our  book.  Such  an  opposition  to 
the  institution  of  Purim,  however,  does  not  well  harmonize  with  the  reverence  paid  to  the 
book  as  belonging  to  the  Canon.  The  opinion  of  Herzfeld  (II.  1,  p.  358),  that  this  tradi- 
tion was  a  conclusion  derived  from  the  statement  of  chap.  ix.  29  merely,  from  which  it  was 
inferred  that  Mordecai  and  Esther  had  written  a  second  time  in  reference  to  the  introduction 
of  the  feast  of  Purim,  is  very  improbable,  as  is  also  his  supposition  that  the  number  of  the 
elders  was  taken  by  mistake  from  Nehem.  viii. — x.  grouped  together.  There  are  no  other 
oppositions  found  among  the  Jews  in  this  regard.  Even  Josephus  reckoned  our  book  as 
certainly  belonging  to  the  Canon  (comp.  c.  Ap.  I,  8)  ;  otherwise  he  would  not  have  made  the 
remark  that  the  history  therein  described  reached  down  to  Artaxerxes,  who  to  him  was  none 
other  than  the  Ahasuerus  of  our  book.  But  the  later  transactions  which  took  place  with  re- 
ference to  the  Canon,  namely,  at  the  Synod  of  Jerusalem,  A.  D.  65,  where  a  determination 
was  called  for  between  the  Hillelites  and  the  Shammaites,  and  also  at  the  Synod  at  Jamnia, 
A.  D.  90,  had  reference  more  especially  to  Ecclesiastes,  and  next  to  the  Canticles,  and  lastly 
to  the  book  of  Ezekiel,  which  some  would  have  withdrawn  from  public  use,  because  it  seemed 
to  diverge  in  its  legal  requirements  from  those  of  the  Pentateuch.  (UJ).  Moreover,  our  book 
has  been  very  highly  esteemed  among  the  Jews  (comp.  Graetz  on  Kohekth,  Appendix  I.), 
which  may  easily  be  seen  by  its  designation  as  "  the  Megillah  "  by  eminence.  Indeed  it  has 
been  preferred  to  the  "  Kethubim,"  and  even  to  the  "Nebiim,"  and  has  finally  been  placed 
by  the  immediate  side  of  the  "Torah"  itself.  Moses  Maimonides  thought  that  in  the  days 
of  the  Messiah  all  the  Nebiim  and  Kethubim  would  be  abolished  ;  and  that  only  the  book  of 
Esther  and  the  Torah,  together  with  the  oral  law,  would  be  perpetual  (comp.  Carpzov,  In- 
trod.,  I.,  p.  366).  This  special  regard,  however,  was  simply  owing  to  the  mournful  circum- 
stances under  which  the  Jews  learned  to  value  the  consolation  derived  from  Haman's  de- 
struction and  their  own  victory  over  their  opponents,  events  to  them  at  the  time  important 
and  precious.  In  our  book,  accordingly,  these  incidents  are  given  from  a  nationally  limited 
point  of  view. 

As  regards  the  ancient  Christian  teachers,  Melito,  bishop  of  Sardes  (about  172)  does  not 
give  the  book  of  Esther  in  his  list  of  the  canonical  books.  Neither  are  the  Apocrypha  nor 
Pseudo-apocrypha  mentioned  by  him.  He  was  importuned  by  his  Christian  brother  Onesi- 
mus  to  give  him  a  more  specific  and  correct  statement  with  regard  to  the  number  and  order 
of  the  0.  T.  books,  since  he  had  made  researches  respecting  them  in  his  journey  to  Palestine. 
The  book  of  Nehemiah,  concerning  which  he  is  also  silent,  he  doubtless  includes  in  Esther. 
But  that  he  should  thus  have  embraced  the  book  of  Esther  likewise,  as  belonging  to  that  of 
Ezra,  although  he  himself  never  included  the  one  in  the  other,  as  was  the  case  with  Nehe- 
miah, is  not,  with  Eichhorn,  Haevernick,  and  others,  to  be  supposed  (comp.  Eusebius, 
Hist.  Eccl.,  VI.  25).  Epiphanes  (died  about  402)  (in  his  Be  mens,  et ponder,  c.  22,  23),  Hi- 
lary (in  Prol.  in  Psalm.)  and  Jerome  (in  Prol.  Gal.)  all  include  Esther  in  the  Canon,  but 
place  it  at  the  end.  Origen  places  it  after  the  prophets  and  Job,  which  he  brings  in  as 
the  last.  EpiPHAJaus  places  it  after  the  prophets  and  i.  and  ii.  Ezra.  Jerome  places  it 
after  the  other  Kethubim,  especially  after  Chronicles  and  Ezra.  Hilary  places  it  after  the 
prophets  and  Job.  Athanasius  in  his  Epist.  Test,  omits  it  from  the  list  of  the  canonical 
books,  and  assigns  it  to  the  avayiyvaaicSfitiia,  i,  e.,  the  books  to  be  read  before  the  congregation, 
which,  with  him,  form  a  middle  class  between  the  canonical  and  apocryphal  books.  In  the 
Iambi  ad  Scleneum  written  between  350  and  400,  it  is  also  omitted ;  yet  the  remark  is  made 


12  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 

at  the  end,  "Some  add  the  book  of  Esther  to  these."  True,  the  Synopsis  (probably  by  the 
Alexandrian  church  and  after  to  Athanasius)  remarks  that  some  say  that  Esther  was  re- 
garded by  the  Hebrews  as  belonging  to  the  Canon  ;  but  this  also  proves  that  it  did  not  have 
canonical  authority  in  the  Christian  church,  at  least  not  in  that  of  Alexandria.  Still  more, 
Ju^lLIUS  (De  partibus  legis  div.,  c.  3)  writes  that  in  his  time  (in  the  sixth  century)  it  was 
very  much  doubted  whether  the  book  of  Esther  belonged  to  the  Canon.  It  wa<,  of  course, 
not  the  former  vacillating  treatment  of  this  book  b,y  the  Jews  that  caused  the  opposition  of 
Christians  to  its  reception,  but  rather  its  high  estimation  with  the  later  Jews.  Its  contents 
might  very  easily  be  objectionable  to  Christian  views  and  sentiments.  This  is  evinced  by 
Luther,  if  indeed  we  can  justly  apply  his  harsh  judgment  to  the  Hebrew  book*  of  Esther. 
As  the  passage  referred  to  is  somewhat  ambiguous,  we  quote  it  in  the  original  Latin : 
"Licet  recusare  possimjure  hunc  liberum  (Ecclesiasticum),  tamen  interim recipio,  ne  cum  jactura 
temporis  me  involvam  disputationi  de  receptit  libris  in  canone  Ebrceorum,  quern,  lu  non  nihil 
mordes  ac  rides,  dum  Proverbia  Solomonis  et  Canlicum  (ut  scommate  ambiguo  vocas)  amatorium 
comparas  cum  libris  duobus  Esrse,  Judith,  historia  Susannas  et  Draconis,  Esther,  quamvis  hunc 
hnbeant  in  canone,  dignior  omnibus,  mejudice,  qui  extra  canonem  habentur."  [We  translate 
as  follows:  "  Although  I  might  justly  reject  this  book  (Ecclesiasticus),  yet  for  the  present  I 
admit  it,  lest  with  a  loss  of  time  I  involve  myself  in  the  dispute  concerning  the  books  re- 
ceived in  the  canon  of  the  Hebrews,  which  you  not  a  little  attack  and  deride,  while  the  Pro- 
verbs of  Solomon  and  the  amatory  canticles  (as  by  an  ambiguous  sneer  you  call  them)  you 
compare  with  the  two  books  of  Ezra,  Judith,  the  history  of  Susanna  and  the  Dragon,  and 
Esther ;  though  this  last  they  have  in  their  canon,  yet  it  is,  in  my  judgment,  more  worthy 
than  all  the  others  to  be  kept  out  of  the  canon  "].  In  his  Tischreden  (ed.  Walch,  xxii.,  p. 
26S)  Luther  had  also  to  do  with  the  apocryphal  books.  He  undertook  to  correct  the  second 
book  of  Maccabees,  and  he  then  uttered  these  words :  "  I  am,"  said  he,  "  so  inimical  to  this 
and  the  book  of  Esther,  that  I  could  wish  they  did  not  at  all  exist;  for  they  are  excessively 
Jewish,  and  contain  many  disreputable  heathen  practices."  It  is,  therefore,  not  at  all  impro- 
bable that  he  had  reference  not  so  much  to  the  Hebrew,  but  rather  to  the  Greek  book  of  Es- 
ther, which  was  so  greatly  corrupted  by  other  additions.  Besides,  he  had  just  made  the  re- 
mark, "  The  third  book  of  Esther  I  will  throw  into  the  Elbe.  In  the  fourth  book,  in  which 
are  noted  what  Esther  dreamed,  there  are  many  pretty  and  otherwise  very  good  jests,  such  as : 
Wine  is  strong,  the  king  stronger,  women  still  stronger,  but  truth  is  the  most  powerful  of  all  " 
Here  he  doubtless  clearly  mistook  Ezra  for  Esther,  and  the  fourth  book  of  Ezra  for  the  third 
(comp.  p.  13).  It  is  clear,  also,  that  the  apocryphal  books  were  in  his  mind.  The  remark 
that  his  objection  had  its  grouud  in  the  contents  of  the  Hebrew  book  of  Esther,  instead  of 
(he  comparatively  innocent  apocryphal  additions,  is  opposed  by  the  fact  that  the  second  book 
of  Mace,  of  which  he  had  just  spoken,  is  placed  before  it.  His  objection  to  it  seems  to  have 
consisted  more  in  the  fabulous  than  in  the  morally  objectionable  elements  of  both  books. 

What  makes  us  especially  suspicious  with  regard  to  the  canonical  dignity  of  this  book 
is  the  fact  that  there  is  wanting  in  it  the  religious  patriotic  spirit  which  we  find  in  the  other 
Old  Testament  historical  books.  The  author  makes  prominent  the  attractions  of  Esther  in 
the  eyes  of  Ahasuerus  over  all  other  virgins,  and  thus  she  became  the  guardian  genius  of 
her  people.  If  he  had  written  his  book  after  the  manner  of  the  older  canonical  books,  we 
might  have  reasonably  expected  that  he  would  first  of  all  speak  of  her  piety.  Indeed  we 
should  have  looked  that  he  would  treat  of  it  as  the  reason  why  God  gave  her  favor  in  the 
king's  sight,  and  that  he  would  regard  it  as  the  source  of  her  gracefulness  and  loveliness. 
But  we  find  no  trace  of  this.     Least  of  all  is  there  a  reference  to  a  joyful  confession  on  her 


*  In  his  De  servo  arb.  (ed.  Jen.  III.,  p.  182  ;  ed.  Erlang.  XII ,  p.  1M)  L?tht.r  censures  ERASsresfor  regarding  the 
book  of  Ecclesiasticus  (Jesus  Sirach)  as  authoritative  (canonical),  and  for  placing  it  on  the  same  level  with  the 
book  of  Proverbs,  in  contrast  with  both  books  of  Ezra  (doubtless  the  third  and  fourth),  Judith,  the  history  of  Su- 
sanna and  the  Pragon.  Hence  he  fought  against  degrading  the  books  handed  down  in  the  Hebrew  Bible  as  ca- 
ll, mioal,  and  placing  them  on  a  level  with  those  contained  in  the  Greek  Bible,  which  he  afterward  east  out  as 
apocryphal.  When  he  furthermore  stales  that  in  his  opinion  the  book  of  Esther  deserved  to  be  thrown  out  of 
the  Canon,  by  this,  as  Carpzov  remarked  (Introd.  I.,  p.  370  sq.),  he  does  not  mean  the  Hebrew  but  the  Greek  book 
of  Esther.    In  other  words,  he  objected  to  Jerome's  apocryphal  additions  to  the  book. 


J  3.    CANONICAL  DIGNITY.  13 


part  to  Jehovah.  But  we  rather  discover  that  Mordecai  shrewdly  advisea  her  to  keep  secret 
her  Judaistic  descent  from  Ahasuerus.  And  she  faithfully  follows  this  injunction.  Nor 
does  she  point  to  the  Lord  as  being  the  Almighty  Protector  and  Avenger  of  those  who 
do  him  homage,  even  when  she  is  compelled,  in  order  to  save  her  people,  to  declare  her  Jew- 
ish origin  to  the  king.  She  seems  rather  to  aid  her  nation,  not  because  it  is  God's  people, 
but  because  it  is  her  people. 

So  also,  according  to  cur  author,  Mordecai  refuses  to  bow  the  knee  to  Ilaman.  A  more 
ancient  author  would  no  doubt  have  faithfully  given  a  clear  and  definite  religious  reason  for 
his  conduct.  But  our  author  gives  it  so  little  space,  that  most  interpreters  have  misunder- 
stood him.  He  rather  permits  us  to  guess  the  reason,  so  to  speak,  by  designating  Hainan  as 
an  Agagite.  And  of  Mordecai  he  testifies  that  he  braced  himself  by  his  Judaism  ia  his  con- 
duct. Hence  that  fact  which  would,  we  might  imagine,  have  added  the  proper  interest  to 
the  book,  and  should  really  have  been  the  soul  of  it,  and  would  have  given  it  the  best  dedi- 
cation— the  truth  that  reverence  for  man  does  not  militate  against  the  honor  due  to  God, 
and  yet  should  not  be  given  to  those  condemned  and  rejected  by  God — does  not  very  clearly 
appear,  and  indeed  might  easily  be  wholly  overlooked.  The  entire  proceeding  almost  as- 
sumes the  appearance  of  a  common  court-intrigue,  in  which  Mordecai  would  hardly  rank 
higher  than  his  opponent. 

As  regards  the  measures  taken  by  Mordecai  and  Esther  for  the  deliverance  of  their  peo- 
ple, we  should  naturally  have  judged  that  our  author  ought  to  have  made  their  necessity 
more  apparent,  in  order  not  to  be  misunderstood  in  a  moral  aspect.  He  should  have  called 
especial  attention  to  their  necessity  for  the  maintenance  of  true  religion.  The  first  edict  of 
the  king  against  the  Jews  was  irrevocable.  Hence  the  authorities  could  not  be  called  on 
for  their  protection.  There  remained,  therefore,  only  the  one  way,  namely,  for  the  Jews  to 
assemble  and  stand  for  their  lives  in  a  common  self-defence.  This  was  virtually  a  war  in 
the  time  of  peace.  Still  it  was  forced  upon  the  Jews,  and  although  thus  premeditated  and 
organized,  it  was,  under  the  circumstances,  their  only  available  mode  of  defence.  But  in- 
stead of  making  prominent  the  fact  that  this  deplorable  conflict  could  not  be  avoided,  and 
instead  of  showing  that  upon  it  depended  the  defence  of  law  and  religion,  the  author  speaks 
only  of  the  honor  which  Mordecai  attained  by  adopting  these  measures  with  the  king's  sanc- 
tion, lie  states  that  Mordecai  passed  out  from  the  regal  palace  dressed  in  royal  apparel, 
having  a  large  golden  crown  upon  his  head,  and  that  the  whole  city  of  Shushan,  especially 
the  Jews  throughout  the  empire,  rejoiced  exceedingly  (ch.  viii.  15-17).  Indeed,  instead  of 
telling  us  definitely  that  only  a  common  defence  was  intended  and  permitted  against  antici- 
pated hostile  attacks,  he  employs  the  same  expressions  as  when  speaking  of  Haman's  edict  in 
ch.  iii.  13,  namely,  the  jut  talionk.  In  this  edict  it  was  permitted  the  Jews  to  destroy,  to 
kill  and  plunder  the  whole  of  the  people  and  country,  or  whoever  should  attack  them;  and 
they  were  not  even  to  exempt  women  and  children.  The  measures  thus  have  the  appearance 
of  having  been  adopted,  not  as  being  the  only  ones  at  hand,  but  because  they  were  most 
agreeable  to  the  Jews.  Nor  does  it  appear  as  if  the  author  had  in  any  wise  regretted  or  dis- 
approved of  them,  but  rather  that  the  joy  of  Mordecai  and  of  the  Jews  was  shared  also  by 
him.  ne  is  equally  liable  to  misconstruction  as  regards  the  petition  of  Esther  by  virtue  of 
which  the  Jews  were  permitted  to  repeat  also  on  the  second  day  the  same  self-vindication 
exercised  on  the  first.  He  contents  himself  with  the  satisfaction  experienced  from  the  great 
success  which  attended  the  measures  of  Esther  and  Mordecai  on  the  first  and  second  day, 
namely,  that  in  Shushan  five  hundred  fell  on  the  first  day,  and  three  hundred  on  the  second 
(ch.  ix.  11-15). 

One  thing,  however,  he  repeatedly  and  pointedly  makes  reference  to,  namely,  that  the 
Jews  did  not  lay  hands  on  the  spoil  of  their  enemies  (ch.  ix.  10,  15,  1(1).  This  trait  never- 
theless can  only  be  regarded  as  redounding  to  their  honor  if  all  the  other  transactions  had  a 
higher  religious  import.  But  if  these  are  to  be  understood  as  having  merely  a  common 
national  meaning,  t'.iey  exclude  indeed  a  base  covetiusness,  but  do  not  negative  a  passionate 
e  sgcrness  and  vindictiveness  which  are  but  little  removed  above  the  desire  of  gain. 

That  the  Jews  should  also  slay  defenceless  women  and  children  while  attacking  th« 


14  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  COOK  OF  ESTHER. 

men,  and  that  they  did  actually  kill  such  a  great  number  as  seventy-five  thousand  persons 
(ch.  ix.  1G),  was  too  common  a  characteristic  of  ancient  warfare,  to  deserve  a  specially  severe 
censure.  Cut  the  author  had  quite  other  intentions  than  to  regard  the  war  as  being  conducted 
in  the  interest  of  higher  principles,  and  as  absolutely  necessary;  indeed  he  has  expressed 
himself  in  terms  which  lead  to  quite  a  different  conclusion.  (Comp.  ch.  ix.  5:  "Thus  the 
Jews  smote  all  their  enemies  with  the  stroke  of  the  sword,  and  slaughter,  and  destruction, 
and  did  what  they  would  unto  those  that  hated  them.")  His  narrative  creates  quite  a  dif- 
ferent impression  and  gives  greater  offence  than  if  he  had  stated  that  the  Lord  had  given  a 
great  victory  to  His  people,  in  the  course  of  which  seventy-five  thousand  perished.  This 
might  easily  have  been  done  in  a  way  and  by  a  connection  in  which  the  greatness  of  the 
danger  and  the  persecutions  of  the  people  of  Jehovah  would  have  been  strongly  manifested. 

The  satisfaction  which  the  author,  together  with  Mordecai  and  the  Jews,  felt  we  can  easily 
enough  excuse,  because  of  the  greatness  of  the  defeat  of  the  attacking  enemies,  inasmuch  as 
they  Buffered  great  insults  and  injuries,  of  which  their  heathen  enemies  were  by  no  means 
sparing.  It  was  in  fact  only  the  natural  instinct  of  a  worm,  when  in  danger  of  having  its 
life  trodden  out  under  the  march  of  the  peoples  of  the  world,  and  therefore  only  escapiug 
with  life  when  its  destroyers  were  themselves  destroyed.  But  the  author  would  have  given 
us  a  much  more  satisfactory  justification  of  these  things  had  he  designated  his  own  people  as 
the  people  of  Jehovah,  in  opposition  to  the  heathen  as  such,  instead  of  terming  them  Jews 
merely,  of  whom  one  does  not  anticipate  a  higher  task  or  even  a  higher  principle. 

But  with  all  the  foregoing  criticisms  we  have  not  yet  looked  at  the  chief  point  of  the 
discussion.  It  is  remarkable  that  wo  do  not  even  once  find  mention  made  of  the  name  of 
God,  much  less  of  Jehovah.  If  under  other  circumstances,  this  would  perhaps  be  something 
external  or  accidental ;  here  it  is  closely  connected  with  the  general  view  of  things."' 

There  seems  to  obtain  another  kind  of  historical  portraiture  in  this  book  from  that  of 
those  of  the  more  ancient  histories.  The  latter  are  very  properly  called  sacred  history,  be- 
cause their  purpose  was  to  derive  the  incidents  which  they  describe  from  God,  or  from  His 
justice,  or  yet  from  His  gracious  intentions  towards  man.  They  also  seek  to  show  the  bear- 
ing of  that  which  has  been  attained  upon  the  ultimate  honor  of  God.  But  our  book  appear.-. 
to  give  us  a  different  mode  of  historical  description,  in  that  it  takes  up  the  lower  facts  and 
things  lying  nearer,  be  they  causes  or  aims.  We  find  it  nowhere  distinctly  stated  that  at  the 
very  beginning  a  higher  Power  was  at  play,  which  finally  placed  Esther  in  her  high  position. 
In  this  position  she  could  become  the  intercessor  for  her  people.  This  power  was  likewise 
manifest  later  in  causing  Ahasuerus  at  the  proper  time  to  remember  Mordecai,  and  to  reward 
him.  Thus  also  the  great  and  threatening  danger  to  the  Jews  was  averted,  and  victory 
leaned  to  the  side  of  the  people  of  God  in  their  conflict  with  their  enemies.  Nowhere  do  we 
discover  expressions  of  religious  feelings  or  thoughts  in  the  persons  of  whom  the  author 
speaks.  Even  in  Mordecai  these  are  not  manifest,  since  he  is  not  a  representative  of  Jehovah- 
worship;  nor  yet  do  those  principles  appear  to  have  actuated  him  which  his  religion  would 
have  enjoined  him  to  observe.  On  the  contrary  his  motives  and  sentiments  are  indefinite 
and  scarcely  national.  It  is  simply  because  of  his  Judaism  that  he  refuses  to  do  reverence 
to  Haman.  Neither  are  any  such  feelings  or  thoughts  as  we  might  have  presumed  percepti- 
ble in  Esther,  who,  in  common  with  Mordecai,  instead  of  employing  the  office  of  prayer  for 
the  removal  of  the  danger,  brings  into  requisition  the  Jewish  custom  of  fasting.  Certainly 
Mordecai  expresses  a  firm  assurance  that  help  would  come  to  the  Jews  from  some  source; 
but  it  would  hardly  do  to  suppose  that  he  thought  of  God,  when  in  ch.  iv.  14  he  expects 
deliverance  even  if  Esther  should  not  venture  to  petition  the  king.  He  might  easily  have 
meant  another  human  person  instead  of  Esther,  who  would  have  taken  her  place.  There  is 
never  a  mention  made  of  prayer,  pressing  as  were  the  occasion  and  circumstances  that  justify 
our  expectation  of  its  employment. 

*  Even  the  rabbins  took  notice  of  this  fact,  and  sought  an  explanation  for  it.  Comp.  what  August  PFEirrtn 
has  written  with  reference  to  the  canonicity  of  the  book  of  Esther  and  its  programme.  Aua  Ezea  held  that 
Mordecai,  being  the  author  of  the  book,  had  purposely  expunged  the  names  of  God  in  it,  in  order  that  they 
might  not  be  desecrated  by  the  Persians,  if  they  made  use  of  them. 


J  3.   CANONICAL  DIGNITY.  15 


Now  it  is  very  necessary  for  a  correct  estimation  of  our  book  to  place  the  above-cited 
phenomena  in  their  proper  light.  Without  doubt  we  would  do  great  injustice  to  the  author 
if  we  were  to  hold  him  to  be  religiously  indifferent  or  entirely  irreligious  because  of  his  non- 
relieious  mode  of  statement.  To  a  man  enthusiastic  for  Judaism  and  Judaistic  law,  irreli- 
gious feelings  are  hardly  possible.  Even  if  his  enthusiasm  had  been  pre-eminently  national, 
so  that  in  his  eyes  Esther,  Mordecai  and  the  Jewish  nation,  in  short  all  that  was  Jewish, 
deserved,  as  such,  preference  and  distinction,  it  would  still  have  shown  some  religious  side. 
This  would  have  been  nationally  religious,  since  it  would  have  based  itself  on  the  preference 
of  Israel  on  the  part  of  God.  Even  though  it  would  have  led  to  a  certain  religious  exter- 
nality, in  which  a  more  intimate  relation  to  God  would  not  have  been  possible,  this  would 
not  exclude  the  fact  that  the  name  of  God  would  have  received  mention  now  and  then. 
The  reason  why  our  book  is  silent  with  respect  to  God  demands  another  explanation.  The 
subject-  of  which  the  author  treats  points  to  the  preference  or  choice  of  Israel  on  the  part  of 
God.  The  fact  of  his  belief  in  the  continuance  of  Israel,  as  it  is  expressed  by  Mordecai,  ia 
proved  too  plainly  and  definitely  for  him  to  have  placed  no  meaning  or  merit  in  it.  We 
may  add  to  this,  that  the  rule  of  a  higher  providential  Power,  although  nowhere  noticed  par- 
ticularly as  such,  is  nevertheless  sufficiently  expressed,  both  in  the  entire  plan  of  the  book 
And  in  the  facts  themselves. 

If  we  regard  Haman  as  representing  the  enemies  of  the  people  of  God  and  thus  as  car- 
rying out  their  plans  of  destruction  against  Israel ;  if  in  Mordecai  and  the  Jews  the  people 
of  true  religion  as  such  suffered  ;  if  in  Ahasuerus  the  higher  government  of  the  world  was 
awake,  and  if  in  Esther  the  good  Spirit,  which  ever  watched  over  Israel,  brought  his  peti- 
tions before  the  throne  of  the  highest  decisive  tribunal;  if  the  battle  of  the  Jews  against  the 
Persians  is  the  conflict  of  the  oppressed  and  deeply  humiliated  kingdom  of  God  against  hea- 
thendom, and  if  the  destruction  of  these  enemies  is  the  removal  of  all  that  is  unimpressible, 
and  past  improvement,  and  is  the  means  by  which  the  true  happiness  of  mankind  is  to  be 
prepared, — in  short,  if  the  author  intended  to  speak  in  such  far-reaching  pictures  rather  than 
to  write  history,  then  a  sufficient  explanation  is  discovered  of  his  seemingly  irreligious  ten- 
dency and  of  this  parabolic  method.  What  would  otherwise  appear  as  having  no  reference 
to  religion,  would  then  be  full  of  the  religious  element.  It  would  be  like  a  N.  T.  parable, 
where  there  is  no  express  reference  to  God  and  His  kingdom,  since  the  higher  is  the  lower.  We 
may,  indeed,  be  compelled  to  admit  that  the  intention  of  the  author  is  not  clear;  nor  do  we 
plainly  see  how  far  the  author  has  sought  to  employ  this  parabolic  mode  of  statement.  Whe- 
ther or  not  he  intended  to  make  these  representative  persons  transparently  illuminated  types, 
cannot  be  certainly  known.  But  this  much  may  possibly  be  affirmed,  indeed  it  can  be  proved, 
that  he  is  in  this  religious  aspect  reticent,  because  he  desires  to  call  in  the  attention  of  the 
reader, — to  point  out,  as  from  afar,  what  was  yet  to  come — and  also  to  bring  into  requisition 
the  expanding,  even  advisory  activity  of  the  reader,  since  he  seems  to  have  thought  he  could 
thus  write  the  more  appropriately  and  advantageously. 

A  similar  phenomenon,  and  oue  which  is  entirely  appropriate  as  yielding  the  proper  ex- 
planation, is  found  in  the  first  Book  of  Maccabees.  In  it  the  mode  of  writing  history  is  not 
that  of  the  more  ancient  authors,  any  more  th  in  in  our  book.  "  One  notvhere  reads  how  God 
had  awakened  or  directed  the  hearts  and  minds  in  this  sacred  warfare  for  the  faith,  as  one 
can  still  find  in  the  books  of  Ezra  or  Nehemiah  ( Ezra  viii.  31 ;  Neh.  ii.  8,  12,  20 ;  iv.  9 ;  vii. 
5).  Of  none  of  the  heroes  arising  in  this  war  is  it  said  that  he  was  inspired  by  the  Spirit  of 
God.  According  to  chap.  xiii.  7  the  spirit  of  the  people  again  revived,  but  the  people  was 
not  influenced  by  the  Spirit  of  God.  It  would  almost  seem  as  if  the  author  had  lost  sight  of 
the  fact  that  the  immediate  indwellingand  governing  presence  of  Jehovah  in  and  among  Hia 
peculiar  people,  was  essential  to  the  Hebraistic  conception."  (Gkimm  on  1  Mace,  p.  xviii.). 
As  in  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  we  miss  that  theocratic  pragmatism  which  throws 
a  supernatural  illumination  over  the  events  transpiring,  the  same  can  be  much  more  truly 
affirmed  of  the  first  book  of  Maccabees.  In  like  manner  with  the  author  of  our  book,  the 
writer  of  that  history  also  avoids  the  mention  of  the  name  of  God,  and  it  is  not  found  even 
once,  whether  by  the  term  ^edr  or  Kfyxoc.     Those  passages  of  several  of  the  editions  of  the 


16  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 

Alexandrian  text,  which  have  tfeoc,  (chap.  iii.  18;  iv.  24;  vii.  37,  41),  are,  as  Grimm  also 
holds,  critically  more  than  doubtful  (coinp.  Rosenthal,  Das  1  Mack.-Buch,  eine  historische 
und  sprachlicli-Krliische  Studio,  Leip.  1867).  Still  the  religious  spirit,  though  it  be  peculiar, 
is  present  in  that  book.  It  is  also  clear  that  it  is  more  than  mere  enthusiasm  for  the  law  an  1 
legal  sentiment  as  to  the  mode  of  worship,  etc.  The  faith  is  just  as  important  to  the  author 
as  is  the  faithfulness  to  law.  In  him,  too,  we  find  the  designation  of  the  people  as  the  people 
of  the  faith  (Mace.  iii.  13  ;  ii.  59,  Gl,  etc.).  In  distinction  from  our  author,  however,  he  fre- 
quently reveals  to  us  the  fact  that  his  heroes  pray.  His  reference  to  God  is  at  times  so  ma- 
nifest that  Luther  did  not  hesitate  to  add  the  name  of  God,  even  where  the  author  speaks 
very  indefinitely  of  the  law,  or  covenant,  or  of  a  will  in  heaven;  and  where  it  is  unquestion- 
able that  God's  law,  covenant  or  will  is  meant  (1  Mace.  ii.  21,  54;  iii.  60). 

This  spirit  is  further  seen  in  the  apocryphal  book  in  question  not  only  in  such  expres- 
sions as  :  "ifeue  iijiiv  Karakimlv,  etc.  ("God  forbid  that  we  should  forsake,"  chap.  ii.  21),  but 
also  when  the  author  says  that  they  cried  (to  God)  in  prayer  (chap.  v.  33,  etc.).  This  is  espe- 
cially true  of  the  language  and  prayers  of  his  heroes,  who,  though  zealous  for  the  law  and  the 
faith,  are  still  prevented  from  calling  God  by  name.  Judas  says  :  "Victory  (strength) 
cometh  from  heaven  "  (chap.  iii.  19).  And  still  speaking  of  heaven  he  says:  "He  [avT6g)t 
(the  Lord)  Himself  will  overthrow  them"  (chap.  iii.  22).  Again:  "  Let  us  cry  to  heaven  " 
(chap.  iv.  10),  "  if  peradventure  He  (the  (Lord)  will  have  mercy  upon  us."  Of  their  victories 
it  is  even  said  that,  "they  turned  back  and  praised  (the  Lord)  heaven  that  He  (the  Lord) 
had  been  good,  and  His  mercy  endureth  for  ever  "  (chap.  iv.  24). 

From  tois  comparison  of  the  books  of  Maccabees  we  arrive  at  the  following  explanation 
with  reference  to  the  matter  in  question  :  The  naive  and  direct  piety  of  former  times,  being 
devoid  of  reflection,  gradually  give  way  to  a  different  state  during  the  exile.  The  Jews  were 
in  that  age  very  sensitive  not  to  manifest  their  innermost  and  holiest  thoughts  to  the  gaze  of 
day,  after  the  manner  of  their  forefathers.  It  was  a  great  satisfaction  to  the  Jewish  national 
feeling,  groaning  under  oppression  and  opposed  to  heathenism,  to  know  that  the  secrets  of 
their  faith  and  law  were  well  known  and  understood  by  themselves  without  having  to  enter 
expressly  upon  a  declaration  of  them  ;  and  also  that  thes3  were  unknown  an!  unattainable 
by  the  heathen.  The  more  general  the  fidelity  to  the  law  and  the  faith  of  the  fathers  became, 
at  least  externally,  the  more  they  took  courage.  The  more  apparent  the  contrast  became 
between  heathenism  and  Judaism, — which  was  however  gradually  lost  by  their  political  de- 
pendence, their  political  character,  also  being  thus  effaced, — the  more  the  characteristics  of 
their  religion  shone  forth.  Indeed,  the  Jews  were  henceforth  persecuted  only  because  of 
their  laws  and  faith,  in  a  word,  their  being  diflerent  from  their  captors.  Hence  it  was  quite 
natural  that  the  Jews,  as  such,  should  feel  themselves  to  be  the  people  of  the  true  God,  before 
all  others.  So  it  was  also  with  the  author,  who  represented  them  as  being  in  this  exalted 
relation,  without  even  distinctly  so  expressing  himself.  To  all  this  was  added  the  progres- 
sive spiritualizing  of  God,  which  had  previously  reached  a  high  stage  in  the  prophetical  times. 
This  was  now  carried  to  a  still  higher  pitch  of  development.  Hence,  those  modes  of  anthro- 
pomorphism and  anthropopathism,  which  before  were  a  necessity  of  the  mora  vital  piety, 
were  now  avoided.  Thus  in  bringing  out  the  exalted  character  of  God,  as  being  above  the 
creature,  His  transcendental  character  was  brought  into  greater  prominence,  and  His  immi- 
nence was  more  and  more  kept  out  of  sight.  It  is  well  known  that  the  name  Jehovah  was 
entirely  withdrawn  from  usage,  as  being  too  holy.  We  might  very  easily  suppose  that  God 
Himself  was  held  to  be  too  holy  and  exalted  to  be  much  spoken  of,  even  in  divine  worship. 
But  once  having  entered  upon  this  tendency  of  mind,  a  further  step  was  not  difficult  of  exe- 
cution. Some,  as  our  author,  would  not  even  mention  in  a  general  way  the  influence  of  a 
h:gher  power,  while  others,  as  the  author  of  1  Maccabees,  contented  themselves  with  a  little 
less  reserve. 

It  is  doubtless  true  that  such  a  tendency  had  its  great  dangers.  While  the  Old  Testa- 
ment theism,  being  faith  in  a  living  God,  active  in  the  development  of  the  world  and  of  man- 
kind, held  the  proper  middle  ground  between  pantheism  and  deism,  by  believing  in  an  ever- 
present  real  divine  Spirit,  it  gradually  and  unmistakably  leaned  over  to  deism,  in  strong 


I  8.   CANONICAL  DIGNITY.  17 


contrast  with  pantheistic  heathendom.  We  thus  have  it  exhibited  to  lis  in  the  Apocrypha. 
There,  in  \  lace  of  the  living  immanent  Spirit  of  God,  wc  have  the  transcendental  vovg  or  the 
abstract  oofyia.  Hence  a  childlike  trust  in  God  and  a  true  moral  fear  of  God,  had  no  more  a 
proper  place.  Indeed  it  went  still  farther  and  degenerated  into  an  abstract  one-sidedness.  Of 
this  we  have  an  example  in  later  Judaism  as  opposed  to  Christianity.  This  also  characterizes 
Mohamedanism.  By  cherishing  such  a  worldly  and  materialistic  spirit  which  ignores  God,  is 
very  apt  to  grow  more  and  more  inveterate,  as  was  especially  manifest  in  Israel  in  later  times. 

Still,  we  must  not  suppose  that  this  tendency  had  in  the  time  of  the  present 
author  proceeded  to  such  a  length ;  it  was  as  yet  but  the  normal  development  of 
the  people  of  Israel.  In  its  proper  limits,  and  proceeding  from  a  good  foundation,  it 
had  a  worthy  aim.  This  was  first  of  all  to  bring  to  general  recognition  the  reli- 
gious element  as  something  self-evident  and  elevated  above  all  exposition.  Our  author 
does  not  really  intend  to  lose  out  of  sight  the  mysteries  of  the  faith  and  law.  He  rather 
presupposes  them  as  self-evident.  This  is  apparently  from  the  circumstance  that  he  not 
only  represents  the  history  of  which  he  treats  as  being  decidedly  providential  in  its  de- 
velopment, but  also  from  the  manner  in  which  he  gives  the  reason  why  Mordecai  refused  to 
bow  the  knee.  So  also  in  respect  to  the  time  in  whic'.i  the  edict  of  Hainan  was  published, 
and  which  should  prove  so  destructive  to  the  Jews  (it  was  during  the  time  of  their  Paschal 
festival),  he  is  very  indefinite,  simply  indicating  it.  Again  we  may  note  how  he  causes  Mor- 
decai to  speak  so  indefinitely  and  yet  in  a  manner  so  easily  understood  with  reference  to  the 
help  that  would  certainly  come  to  the  Jews.  So  also  Esther  is  urged  to  take  refuge  in  fasting 
which  is  almost  inseparable  from  prayer,  instead  of  praying  at  once  as  the  nearest  remedy  at 
hand.  The  feeling  arises  in  us  on  reading  these  passages,  that  he  thought  far  more  than  he 
said,  and  that  his  silence  has  its  ground  in  something  quite  different  from  infidelity. 

Besides,  the  style  of  our  book  is  most  appropriate  to  its  contents.  Indeed  we  can  readily 
recognize  a  divine  providence  in  the  fact,  that  just  such  a  style  and  not  a  more  religious  one 
should  have  been  employed.  The  deliverance  of  the  Jewish  people  within  the  Persian  domi- 
nions, which  forms  its  subject  was,  of  course,  in  itself  a  great  and  important  event.  But  this 
was  not  brought  about  by  a  divinely-inspired  hero,  nor  yet  by  the  faithful  valor  of  the  people, 
but  through  the  influence  which  a  woman  exerted  over  the  king.  In  how  different  a  manner 
will  the  soldiers  (combatants)  of  the  kingdom  of  God  gain  the  victory  in  the  future  time  of 
decision  !  Not  through  the  charms  cf  flesh,  but  by  the  Spirit  and  living  energy  of  the  Lord. 
Not  by  means  of  a  forcible  uniting  and  a  bloody  massacre,  but  by  a  willing  submission.  In- 
stead of  destroying  others,  they  rather  endure  the  utmost  injury.  It  is  in  this  succumbirg 
that  the  highest  power  and  glory  is  revealed ;  not  in  persecuting  but  in  blessing !  The  plot 
is  wrought  out  according  to  a  human  method.  To  have  regarded  the  representative  charac- 
ter of  the  persons  and  events  described  as  being  after  the  earthly  type,  and  yet  to  have  ex- 
alted them  to  a  higher  and  holler  tone,  by  which  they  would  be  brought  into  an  immediate 
relation  to  God,  would  have  created  a  discord.  This  would  hardly  have  satisfied  or  edifiel 
the  religious  sentiment,  but  rather  would  have  been  a  cause  of  irritation. 

Certain  it  is,  that  although  our  book  does  not  expressly  take  notice  of  and  cultivate  reli- 
gion as  such,  still  it  forms  a  very  essential  part  of  the  religious  history  of  the  kingdom  of 
God.  "We  were  early  reminded,  in  the  introduction  to  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  §  1, 
that  the  Diaspora  remaining  in  heathen  countries  was  by  no  means  a  rejected  branch  of  the 
people  of  the  covenant,  but  rather  that  it  had  a  very  important  purpose  to  fulfil  as  regards  the 
final  accomplishment  of  the  mission  of  Israel.  This  was  clearly  seen  in  the  apostolic-Chris- 
tian period.  Hence  the  preservation  of  the  despised  Jews  might  very  easily  have  become 
just  as  important  as  was  the  new  founding  of  the  people  in  Judxa  and  Jerusalem.  Our  book 
has  to  do  with  the  preservation  of  this  Diaspora,  which,  conditioned  by  peculiar  circum- 
stances, had  taken  on  a  low  form,  because  living  in  a  heathen  world.  But  this  in  its  deeper 
aspect  still  continued  to  be  a  part  of  the  history  of  God's  kingdom.  It  was  an  act  of  God  by 
which  He  confessed  Himself  to  this  people  as  to  His  own  peculiar  people,  and  drew  it  up  to 
Himself  as  its  God.  In  addition  to  this  the  book  is  not  only  evidence  that  there  is  a  just  go- 
vernment of  the  world— that  he  who  digs  a  pit  for  another  will  fall  into  it  himself — that  the 


18  .INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 

enemies  of  the  elect  people  are  destroyed  because  of  their  enmity;  but  it  also  teaches,  if  we 
rightly  understand  it,  the  very  simple  and  yet  difficult  duty  of  placing  God's  honor  above  that 
of  man,  and  God's  cause  above  the  interest  of  man.  At  least  it  encourages  us  so  to  do.  It 
represents  to  us  the  conflict  into  which  the  God-fearing  man,  as  also  the  whole  people  (or 
church)  may  be  plunged,  in  the  execution  of  that  duty.  When  the  State  is  no  more  guided 
by  divine  principles,  and  as  such  is  no  more  either  theocratic  or  Christian,  but  purely 
human  and  heathen,  this  book  points  to  the  victory  which  the  true  people  will  in  some  way 
cr  other  continue  to  obtain. 

If  we  place  this  book,  having  such  an  important  message,  by  the  side  of  both  the  other 
post-exilian  books  as  regards  Judaism,  namely  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  it  clearly  testifies,  as 
do  also  those,  that  the  people  of  God,  conceived  as  a  religious  society,  can  exist  without 
having  political  independence,  and  fulfil  their  final  destiny.  But  it  shows  also  that  they 
could  maintain  their  integrity,  even  if  separated  and  scattered.  This  is  a  truth  which  no- 
where else  finds  such  definite  expression,  but  yet  it  forms  the  basis  of  existence  for  the  most 
of  the  Israelites  during  all  the  following  periods  of  time.  Hence,  also,  the  peculiar  reverence 
paid  to  our  book  in  preference  to  others  by  later  Judaism.  And  this  is  not  from  any  patho- 
logically unsound  cause.  It  rests  not  upon  a  passion  aroused  by  the  inimical  and  oppressive 
acts  of  other  people,  but  it  can  be  justified  by  a  genuine  religious  reason.  In  so  far  as  it  cele- 
brates the  victory  of  the  divine  law  over  the  world,  and  reveals  its  inviolableness  in  this  new 
and  distinct  method,  thus  becoming  an  indispensable  support  of  the  Torah,  it  justifies  the 
remarkable  manner  of  its  statement,  as  Majmonides  and  later  writers  have  fully  shown.  In 
so  far  as  it  teaches  that  the  glory  of  God  is  pre-eminent  over  that  of  man,  that  those  who 
refuse  to  honor  man  lest  they  deprive  God  of  His  due  regard  will  not  fail  to  receive  their 
reward  from  God;  in  so  far  must  Esther  be  to  us  indeed  a  star  which  leads  us  to  bittle  on 
faithfully  and  courageously,  should  the  State  seek  to  put  forth  its  power  and  endeavor  to 
enter  the  religious  domain  in  too  absolute  a  manner. 

If  the  canonical  merit  of  the  Old-Testament  books  consists  to  a  great  extent  in  the  fact 
of  their  passing  beyond  the  bounds  of  their  own  nation;  if  they  have  a  more  general  relation, 
on  account  of  which  they  are  closely  related  to  the  cosmopolitan  New  Testament,  still  we  must 
not  forget  that  the  national  tendency  of  our  author  had  not  yet  reached  this  point.  He  had 
not  attained  to  that  sense  of  superiority  and  contrast  which  ultimately  made  the  Jews  jealous 
of  the  communication  that  was  given  to  them  for  transmission  to  other  nations.  He  was  at 
least  indifferent  to  the  weal  or  salvation  of  others,  and  even  sought  to  obtain  advantage  over 
them,  and  to  injure  them.  He  does  not  reveal  any  timidity,  such  as  we  find  in  the  book  of 
Judith,  where  Nebuchadnezzar  is  degraded  far  below  Ahasuerus.  There,  however,  the  Jews 
appear  in  a  far  more  ideal  light. 

Thus  in  ch.  viii.  17  he  gives  prominence  to  the  fact  that  many  of  the  people  of  the  land — 
even  though  incited  by  fear — were  converted  over  to  Judaism;  and  he  thereby  indicates  that, 
in  addition  to  the  negative  effect,  which  for  the  purpose  in  hand  he  is  necessitated  to  notice, 
this  judgment  of  God  over  the  world  had  also  &  decidedly  positive  result,  namely,  the  recep- 
tion among  His  people  of  heathen  subject  to  His  influence.  The  writer  also  recognizes  in  the 
great  ruler  noticed  in  this  book  a  capacity  to  appreciate  Judaism  and  its  representatives  to 
some  extent  at  least.  So  also  among  the  majority  of  the  heathen  populace  he  indicates  a 
sense  of  justice  and  humanity  which  did  not  suffer  them  to  rejoice  at  the  promulgation  of  the 
first  unrighteous  decree  for  the  extermination  of  the  Jews,  but  on  the  contrary  he  shows  that 
they  were  exceedingly  glad  because  of  the  second  favorable  edict.  He  seems  to  be  impressed 
with  the  fact  that  they  have  both  the  inclination  and  the  capacity  at  some  time  to  arrive  at 
a  knowledge  of  the  true  God,  and  for  his  part  he  would  gladly  leave  the  door  open  for  them. 

[Excursus  on  the  Liturgical  Use  of  the  Book  of  Esther.] 

[BY   THE  AMERICAN    HEVI3EB-] 

[It  is  well  known  that  this  book  is  a  favorite  with  the  Jews,  by  whom  it  is  often  entitled 
nb:3n,  the  Boll,  by  way  of  distinction  from  all  others;  and  it  is  more  frequently  used  in  a  separate 
form  than  any  other  of  the  sacred  books.     The  extravagant  estimate  of  the  Rabbins  is  well  repre- 


5  3.   CANONICAL  DIGNITY.  19 


sentcd  by  the  saving  of  Maimonides,  above  alluded  to,  that  in  the  days  of  the  Messiah  all  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament  will  pass  away,  except  the  Pentateuch  and  Esther.  This  fondness  for 
the  book  in  question  has  doubtless  arisen  from  the  fact  that  it  so  highly  gratifies  the  Jewish  na- 
tional pride. 

The  Feast  of  Pnrim  (D"]'9,  lots,  so  called  from  the  fact  stated  in  chap.  ix.  26-32)  is  a  standing 
memorial  of  the  historical  character  of  this  book.  As  we  have  seen,  it  has  been  commemorated 
even  since  the  days  of  the  writer  of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees  (xv.  36 — the  "Mordccai's  day" — 
fj  Mopc!'>v<i?«)  :';!'ipa).  The  festival  was  so  popular  in  the  time  of  Josephus  that  he  tells  us:  "Even 
now  all  the  Jews  that  are  in  the  habitable  earth  keep  these  days  festivals,  and  send  portions  to  one 
another"  (Antiq.  XI.  6,  13).  That  popularity  has  not  diminished  since.  It  has  even  been  main- 
tained by  many  (Petavius,  Olsiiatjsen,  Stier,  Wieseler,  "Winer,  Anger,  Alford,  Ellicott, 
etc.,  after  a  suggestion  by  Kepler)  that  our  Lord  observed  this  festival  (lopri)  tuv  'lov/Satav,  John 
v.  1);  but  the  absence  of  the  Greek  article  there  is  not  at  all  decisive  (as  Winer  himself  admit-;, 
Oramm.  of  AT.  T.  Idioms,  Mater's  Ed.,  p.  125),  and  there  are  very  great  objections  to  the  identifica- 
tion of  the  "feast"  in  question  with  that  of  Purim,  especially  the  fact  that  the  parallel  gospels  show 
that  the  one  which  our  Lord  at  that  time  attended  was  during  the  harvest-season  (Matt.  xii.  1 ;  Mark 
ii.  22;  Luke  vi.  1). 

Among  the  modern  Jews  the  festival  of  Purim  is  regularly  held  on  two  days,  the  14th  and  loth 
if  Adar,  the  last  month  of  the  year,  corresponding  to  our  March  in  general.  In  intercalary  years  it 
is  repeated  in  full  on  the  same  days  of  the  13th  month,  Ve-adar.  A  preliminary  fast,  called  "the 
fast  of  Esther,"  is  appointed  to  be  observed  on  the  13th  day,  in  accordance  with  the  command  of 
Esther  (iv.  5,  6) ;  and  sundry  prayers  of  repentance,  humiliation,  etc.  (miT  73)  are  introduced  into 
the  regular  ritual  for  that  day.  As  on  all  the  fast  days,  the  lesson  from  the  Law  consists  of  Exod. 
xxxii.  11-14;  xxxiv.  1—11;  and  that  from  the  Prophets  of  Isa.  Iv.  6 — lvi.  9.  If  the  13th  of  Adar 
falls  on  a  Sabbath,  the  fa=t  takes  place  on  the  Thursday  preceding,  as  no  fasting  is  allowed  on  that 
sacred  day,  and  it  could  not  be  held  on  Friday,  because  those  engaged  in  preparing  food  for  the  Sab- 
bath would  necessarily  have  to  taste  the  dishes  to  try  them,  or  at  least  would  be  occupied  in  the  la- 
bor connected  with  that  preparatory  day.  If  the  14th  happened  to  fall  on  a  Sabbath,  or  on  Mon- 
day, or  Wednesday,  the  commencement  of  the  festival  is  deferred  for  similar  reasons  of  convenience 
till  the  next  day.  On  the  evening  closing  the  13th  and  beginning  the  14th,  as  soon  as  the  stars  ap- 
pear, candles  are  lighted  in  token  of  rejoicing,  and  the  people  assemble  in  the  synagogues.  After 
the  usual  evening  service,  consisting  of  prayer  and  thanksgiving,  the  entire  book  of  Esther  is  read 
through  by  the  pradector  from  a  roll  written  separately  in  Hebrew  characters  on  good  parchment 
with  ink  (Mishna,  Mcjillah,  IT.  2).  Any  one  is  qualified  to  read  it,  except  deaf  people,  fools  and 
minors  (ibid.  II.  4),  and  it  is  lawful  to  read  it  in  a  foreign  language  to  those  who  can  only  so  under- 
stand it  (ibid.  II.  1).  The  praelector  reads  it  in  a  histrionic  manner,  suiting  his  tones  and  gestures 
to  the  changes  in  the  subject  matter.  Whenever  he  comes  to  the  name  of  Ilaman,  the  congregation 
stamp  on  the  floor  and  cry  out:  "Let  his  name  be  blotted  out!  The  name  of  the  wicked  shall  rot!" 
At  the  same  time,  in  some  places,  the  boys  who  are  present  make  a  great  noise  with  their  hands,  with 
mallets,  with  rattles,  and  with  pieces  of  wood  and  stone,  on  which  they  had  written  the  name  of  Ha- 
mnn,  and  which  they  rubbed  together  so  as  to  obliterate  the  writing.  The  passage  in  which  the 
names  of  Hainan's  ten  sons  occur  (ix.  7-9)  is  read  very  rapidly,  and,  if  possible,  in  one  breath,  to 
signify  that  they  were  all  hung  at  the  same  time.  For  this  reason  that  passage  is  written  in  larger 
letters,  and  the  names  are  arranged  under  one  another.  The  tradition  is  that  the  names  are  written 
in  three  perpendicular  columns  to  represent  the  hanging  of  Haman  and  his  sons  upon  three  parallel 
cords,  three  upon  each  cord,  one  above  another  (Staehelln,  Eabbini.  Litcrat.,  II.  349).  The  Targura 
on  Esth.  in  Walton's  Pohjrjlott  (nd  he),  however,  states  that  they  all  hung  on  the  gallows  in  one 
line,  Haman  at  the  top,  and  his  ten  sons  at  intervals  of  half  a  cubit  under  him.  It  is  added  that 
Zeresh  and  Haman's  seventy  surviving  sons  fled,  and  begged  their  bread  from  door  to  door  (in  evi- 
dent allusion  to  Psalm  cix.  9,  10).  After  the  roll  is  finished,  the  reader  dismisses  the  congregation 
with  a  short  benediction.     All  go  home  and  partake  of  a  repast  said  to  consist  of  milk  and  eggs. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th,  the  proper  feast-day,  the  Jews  again  attend  the  synagogue,  where 
sever.il  appointed  prayers  are  added  to  the  usual  daily  ritual,  and  instead  of  the  regular  lesson,  the 

age  is  read  from  the  law  (Exod.  xvii.  8-16)  which  relates  the  destruction  of  the  Amalekites,  the 
pjople  of  Agag  d  Sam.  xv.  8),  the  supposed  ancestors  of  Haman  (Esth.  iii.  1 1.  This  is  read  by 
three  persons— a  priest,  a  Levite,  and  an  Israelite.     After  this  the  roll  of  Esther  is  read  through 

12 


2)  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BX)K  OF  ESTHER. 

a^cin  in  the  same  manner,  and  with  the  same  responses  as  on  the  preceding  evening.  All  who  pos- 
sibly can  are  bound  to  hear  it  read — men,  women,  children,  cripples,  invalids,  and  even  idiots — 
though  they  may,  if  they  please,  listen  to  it  outside  the  synagogue  (Mishna,  Bosh  ha-Slianah,  III. 
7).  When  the  service  in  the  synagogue  is  over,  all  give  themselves  up  to  merry-making.  Games 
of  all  sorts,  with  dancing  and  music,  begin.  The  rest  of  the  day  is  spent  in  feasting  and  rejoicing. 
Open  house  is  kept;  poor  and  rich,  young  and  old,  have  free  access  to  come  and  enjoy  themselves. 
In  the  evening  a  quaint  dramatic  entertainment  is  often  held,  the  subject  of  which  is  connected  with 
the  occasion.  The  men  sometimes  put  on  female  apparel,  declaring  that  the  feast  of  Purim  (Estli. 
ix.  22)  suspends  the  rule  in  Deut.  xxii.  5.  A  dainty  meal  then  follows,  sometimes  with  a  free  in- 
dulgence of  wine,  which  the  Rabbins  allow  on  this  occasion  to  the  extent  of  absolute  intoxication 
(Gemara  on  Mcrjillah,  VII.  2). 

On  the  15th  day  of  Adar  the  rejoicing  is  continued,  and  gifts  consisting  chiefly  of  sweetmeats 
and  other  eatables  are  interchanged.  Offerings  for  the  poor  are  also  made  by  all  who  can  afford  to 
do  so  (Esth.  ix.  19,  22).  See  Ginsbtjrg,  in  Kitto's  Cyclopazdia,  8.  v.  Purim;  Clark,  in  Smith's 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  s.  v.  Purim;  Shickart,  in  the  Critiei  Sacri,  III.,  1184;  Mills,  British  Jews, 
p.  188;  Esktjche,  Be  festo  Jiulceorum  Purim,  Marburg  (1734,  4to.);  Axenfeld,  D'113  I'J  Betrach- 
tung,  etc.  (Erlang.,  1807).] 

I  4.     COMPOSITION,    TIME    OF   ORIGIN    AND   INTEGRITY. 

The  discussion  respecting  the  author  of  this  book  had  to  be  reserved  until  after  the  pre- 
ceding questions  bad  been  determined,  inasmuch  as  an  answer  to  it  would  otherwise  have 
been  only  of  the  most  uncertain  kind.  Nor  could  we  have  hope;!,  by  the  solution  of  this 
point,  to  throw  much  light  on  the  historical  clnracter  of  the  book,  or  its  canonical  dignity. 
In  chap.  ix.  20  it  is  stated  that:  "  Mordecai  wrote  these  things,  and  sent  letters  unto  all  the 
Jews;"  inverse  23,  "The  Jews  undertook  to  do  ...  as  Mordecai  had  written  to  them;"  and 
in  verse  26,  "  Therefore  for  all  the  words  of  this  letter."  We  are  not,  hence,  to  conclude  that 
our  book  was  written  by  Mordecai,  nor  that  it  is  so  claimed,  but  that  the  author  had  know- 
ledge of  such  writings  referable  to  Mordecai  himself,  with  respect  to  Purim,  and  also  that  he 
made  use  of  them.  In  the  rest  of  the  book  we  are  at  a  loss  for  even  a  hint  in  regard  to  the 
person  of  our  author.  Even  as  relates  to  the  locality  where  it  was  written  we  are  in  great  un  ■ 
certainty.  Still  the  unusual  familiarity  which  it  evinces  with  Persian  matters,  which  is  in 
strong  and  remarkable  contrast  with  the  ignorance  of  later  apocryphal  books,  and  especially 
its  total  lack  of  allusion  to  Judrea  or  Jerusalem,  makes  it  very  probable  that  the  author  did 
not  belong  to  the  parent  body  in  Palestine,  but  to  the  Diaspora  in  Asia.  According  to  the 
Talmud  (Baba  Bathra,  p.  15,  c.  1),  the  book  of  Esther  belonged  to  those  (Ezekiel,  the  twelve 
lesser  prophets,  Daniel  and  Esther)  which  were  written  by  the  scribes  of  the  Great  Synagogue. 
But  it  is  evident  that  this  tradition  has  reference  not  so  much  to  its  composition  as  to  its  au- 
thoritativeness,  a  final  editorial  supervision.  In  the  same  sense  the  Talmud  speaks  of  Heze- 
kiah  and  his  college,  that  they  wrote  Isaiah,  Proverbs,  Canticles,  and  Eeclesiastes. 

As  regards  the  time  of  the  origin,  of  our  book,  we  are  told  by  Zunz  (Zeitschr.  d.  D.  M.  <?., 
1873,  p.  G87)  that  among  other  results  obtained,  he  not  only  finds  in  it  Persian  and  later  He- 
brew expressions,  but  also  some  terms  derived  from  the  Mishna.  He  assumes  that  the  com- 
position of  Esther  belongs  to  the  post-Maccabcean  period,  in  which  the  knowledge  of  the  per- 
secutions in  Palestine  had  reached  the  Eastern  countries.  But  he  has  cited  only  a  very  few 
expressions  "  which  remind  us  of  the  linguistic  usage  of  the  Mishna,"  viz. :  "13J?  with  and 
without  nisn,  in  the  sense  of"  transgressing"  from  (chap.  iii.  3;  ix.  27,  28),  3ft!  DV  HJ'^ 
(chap.  ix.  19)  and  W1  HO?  (chap.  ix.  26),  expressions  which  equally  belong  to  the  ante-Macca- 
brean  period,  and  to  the  later  age.  Certain  it  is  that  our  book  belongs  to  the  last  written 
(youngest)  in  the  Canon.  In  its  language  it  stands  nearest  to  Eeclesiastes,  after  that  to  Ezra, 
Nehemiah,  and  the  book  of  Daniel.  It  has  three  later  words,  in  common  with  Eeclesiastes, 
(nT3,  TOCO,  pi)  as  well  as  with  Ezra,  Nehemiah,  and  1  Chron.,  and  ehu  in  common  with 
Eeclesiastes  and  also  with  Nehemiah  and  the  119th  Psalm.  Five  expressions  are  in  common 
with  Eccles.  only  (^K,  [331,  >•!,  'j-30  "inv,  1873).  The  entire  method  or  style,  so  faras  it  devi- 
ates from  the  mode  of  old  and  sacred  historical  composition,  and  approaches  that  of  the  1 


5  4.    COMPOSITION,  TIME  OF  ORIGIN,  AND  INTEGRITY.  21 

Cook  of  Mace,  and  especially  where  the  author  endeavors  to  preserve  an  artistic  and  fasci- 
nating mods  of  development,  would  clearly  show  that  he  had  already  past  one  sera  of  progress, 
such  as  had  not  yet  shown  itself  in  the  time  of  Ezra  or  Nehemiah,  or  at  least  first  began  in 
the  age  of  those  writers  to  break  a  way  for  itself.  This  fact  also  appears  from  the  manner  in 
which  the  author  treats  or  rather  neglects  to  treat  of  the  relation  which  Judaism  bears  to  hea- 
thenism, namely,  its  religious  element,  and  more  particularly  in  his  non-reference  to  God  and 
the  divine  government.  Perhaps,  in  the  period  in  which  he  wrote-,  the  Greek  age  was  near 
at  hand  or  had  already  come.  This  would  agree  with  the  reference  of  Ahasuerus  to  Xerxes, 
whose  position  in  ancient  history  is  well  defined.  Still  we  must  not  insist  too  much  on  this 
feature,  lest  we  come  into  conflict  with  the  authorship  of  the  Greek  manuscripts  and  the  con- 
sequent age  of  the  Greek  translation  of  the  book. 

The  subscription  to  these  Greek  copies,  which  may  have  been  added  later,  and  has  the 
air  of  being  based  upon  an  invention  or  supposition,  relates  that  a  certain  Dositheus  had 
brought  to  Egypt,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  and  Cleopatra,  a  translation  of 
this  epistle  of  Purim  (i.  e.,  of  our  book  of  Esther,  perhaps  without  the  apocryphal  additions), 
prepared  by  Lysimachus  in  Jerusalem.  Among  the  four  kings  of  the  name  of  Ptolemy,  who 
had  queens  named  Cleopatra  (B.  C.  204-81),  the  one  above-mentioned  was  probably  Ptolemy 
Philometor,  in  whose  reign,  which  was  so  friendly  to  the  Jews  (B.  C.  181-145),  the  feast  of 
Purim,  and  therefore  also  our  book,  might  most  readily  find  entrance  into  Egypt  (comp. 
Feitzscfie,  Exeg.  Handbuch  zu  den  Apokr.,  I.,  p.  72  sq.).  It  also  says  that  there  was  a  trans- 
lation of  Esther  as  early  as  the  first  half  of  the  second  century  before  Christ.  Were  we  to 
conclude  from  1  Mace.  vii.  49,  where  the  festival  of  Purim  is  not  mentioned  on  the  occasion 
of  the  celebration  of  the  day  of  Kicanor  the  day  previous,  that  the  festival  of  Purim  and  the 
book  of  Purim  had  not  found  an  earlier  and  more  general  recognition  in  Palestine  than  it  did 
in  Egypt  so  that  at  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  it  was  not  even  known,  still  there  would  be  no- 
thing strange  or  contradictory  in  such  an  assumption.  Nevertheless  we  could  not  reach  any 
conclusion  from  this  with  respect  to  the  time  of  the  origin  of  our  book.  The  Jews  in,  Pales- 
tine were  not  threatened  by  the  occurrences  related  in  Esther,  nor  did  the  danger  to  the  Jews 
there  mentioned,  or  the  defeat  they  brought  upon  their  enemies,  have  much  to  do  with  their 
existence  in  that  country.  No  inimical  heathen  people  lived  among  the  Palestinian  Jews, 
to  rise  against  them,  or  cause  them  to  perish.  Neighboring  nations  could  only  have  shown 
their  enmity  by  means  of  an  invasion,  which  would  not  have  differed  greatly  from  an  ordi- 
nary war  (comp.  Herzfeld,  Oesch.  Israels,  II.  1,  p.  8).  Hence  there  was  no  immediate  oc- 
casion for  a  festival  of  Purim  for  them.  At  all  events  such  a  conclusion  as  a  mere  argumenlum 
e  silentio  would  be  very  hazardous.  It  may  not  be  improbable,  indeed,  that  the  day  of  the  de- 
feat of  Nicanor,  so  far  as  we  know  concerning  it  (comp.  J  2),  might  have  been  similar  to  our 
more  modern  days  of  battles  and  victories ;  and  although  at  first  there  was  a  purpose  of  cele- 
brating it  annually,  as  a  festival  day,  yet  after  several  times,  at  last  its  memory  became  obli- 
terated and  it  was  forgotten  by  the  majority.  Hence  the  author  of  the  1st  book  of  Maccab^s 
had  no  real  occasion  to  bring  it  into  any  relation  to  the  day  of  Purim  which  came  a  day 
after. 

Finally,  we  come  to  the  question  of  the  integrity  of  our  book.  If  we  hold  fast  to  the  He- 
brew text,  we  will  find  that,  as  we  have  seen  above  (comp.  chap.  i.  9,  19 ;  x.),  it  forms  a  beau- 
tifully arranged  and  greatly  progressive  whole,  in  which  every  individual  part  furnishes  an 
integral  and  indispensable  portion,  and  in  which  nothing  essential  is  found  wanting.  But  the 
case  is  very  different  in  the  second  half  of  chapter  ix.  J.  D.  Michaelih  asserts  the  beginning 
of  this  latter  section  to  be  the  seventeenth  verse,  but  Bertheau  holds  it  to  begin  at  vers.  20- 
32,  in  which  reference  is  made  to  a  letter  by  Mordecai  to  the  Jews,  and  some  of  its  con- 
tents are  brought  to  light.  Even  the  style  of  expression  of  this  part  is  in  unmistakable  con- 
trast with  the  rest  of  the  book.  D'P,  in  the  sense  of  " establishing  ordinances"  or  "making 
them  authoritative,"  in  verses  21,  27,  29,  31,  and  32  (elsewhere  only  in  Euth  iv.  7  ;  Ezek.  xiii. 
6  ;  Psa.  cxix.  28,  106) ;  the  singular  immediately  preceding  the  plural  of  the  subject,  as  in  vcr. 
23  (□"nrvn  73P1)  ;  the  fem.  substantive  in  a  neuter  sense,  as  in  ver.  25  (ns'331) ;  further  tha 


22  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 

mode  of  speech  "19Dn~DJP  (ver.  25),  18VTWM  (ver.  26),  etc.,  all  this  does  not  again  occur  in  the 
rest  of  the  hook.  To  this  we  are  also  to  add  matters  of  fact.  The  short  report  which  is  given 
in  vers.  24-26  concerning  the  occasion  and  significance  of  the  festival  of  Purim,  sounds  quite 
different  from  what  we  would  be  led  to  expect  from  the  previously  given  history.  It  is  espe- 
cially remarkable  that  no  mention  is  made  of  Esther's  interference.  But  it  rather  seems  ac- 
cording to  ver.  25  ("  and  when  it  came  before  the  king  he  commanded  by  letters  ")  as  if  the 
king  had  before  been  ignorant  of  the  intention  of  Hainan,  at  least  with  its  real  import,  and 
only  needed  to  be  more  fully  informed  with  regard  to  it ;  and  that  he  then  at  once  pro- 
ceeded against  Hainan.  One  would  think  that  the  author  would  have  apjjrehended  the  chief 
facts  at  issue  quite  differently,  if  he  himself  there  gave  their  resume.  This  resume  seems  to 
be  based  upon  a  mode  of  statement  by  which  many  things  that  appear  essential  and  impor- 
tant, are  treated  as  of  less  significance,  or  are  entirely  omitted.  Now  we  would  not  venture 
to  assert,  as  does  Bertheau,  that  the  method  of  statement,  lying  at  the  basis,  was  in  such 
flat  contradiction  to  the  substance  of  our  book.  ~SVe  can  easily  conceive  that  the  author  may 
have  differently  presented  the  leading  events  in  different  parts  of  his  work.  Certainly  the 
resumi  of  vers.  24-26  falls  far  short  of  proving  the  contrary.  Again  between  verses  15-19  on 
the  one  hand,  in  which  a  part  of  the  Jews  celebrate  the  15th  of  Adar  on  the  14th,  even  in 
the  author's  time ;  and  vers.  20  sqq.,  on  the  other  hand,  where  the  celebration  of  both  days 
is  introduced  through  the  writings  of  Mordecai,  a  contradiction  is  very  unjustly  urged  by 
Bertheau  (comp.  chap.  ix.  19). 

TVe  may  presume  from  the  peculiarities  found  in  the  section  verses  20-32  there  is  con- 
tained in  it  an  element  more  fundamental  than  elsewhere.  Yet  we  have  no  right  to  argue  from 
t!)e  absence  of  all  real  contradictions  that  the  author  had  himself  expunged  them. — Accord- 
ing to  verse  20  there  did  exist  a  book  of  Purim  referable  to  Mordecai.  Pcrhap3the  same  one 
is  meant  in  verse  32,  by  the  writing  in  which  the  orders  of  Esther  were  recorded.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  from  it  our  author  should  have  taken  this  section  extending  from  vers.  20  to  32. 

But  next  to  the  original  text  we  must  have  regard  to  the  older  versions.  In  the  Sep- 
tuagint  version  there  are  several  additions,  which  Luther  threw  out  as  being  "apocryphal 
parts  in  Esther."  But  these  are  eo  interwoven  into  the  text  of  the  Greek  Bible  that  they 
could  easily  be  held  to  be  integral  parts  of  the  book.  Thus,  to  begin  with,  there  is  in  chap, 
i.  a  dream  of  Mordecai,  in  which  are  indicated  the  most  important  phases  of  the  subsequent 
history.  In  chap.  iii.  we  find  an  edict  by  Ahasuerus  ordering  the  extermination  of  the  Jews. 
In  chap.  iv.  there  is  a  prayer  by  Mordecai,  and  also  one  by  Esther,  which  they  offered  in 
their  distress.  Chap.  v.  has  an  explicit  description  of  the  appearance  of  Esther  before  Aha- 
suerus. Finally  in  chap.  viii.  13  we  find  the  new  edict,  issued  by  Mordecai,  favoring  the 
Jews,  and  as  a  conclusion  of  the  whole  an  interpretation  of  the  dream  that  had  been  indi- 
cated in  chap.  i. 

Now  the  question  is,  What  are  we  to  think  of  these  expansions  ?  The  assumption  of 
Bellarmine  (Z>e  verbo  Dei,  chap,  vii.,  \  10)  and  of  De  Rossi  [Sjiecimcn  variarum  leciionum 
s.  texlus  ct  Chaldaica  Esteris  additamenta,  Romre,  1782),  to  whom  Scholz  may  also  be  added 
(Introd.,  II.,  p.  538  sqq.),  is  that,  originally,  there  were  two  books  of  Esther  in  existence;  a 
larger  one,  from  which  these  additions  of  the  Greek  version  were  taken,  and  a  smaller,  which 
was  perhaps  only  an  extract  of  the  former.  That  the  latter,  however,  should  be  regarded  as 
our  present  Hebrew  book,  is  not  to-day  held  by  any  one.  Equally  untenable  is  the  position 
taken  by  Jos.  Laxgen,  that  the  passages  referred  to  were  taken  from  Mordecai's  "memoirs  " 
(comp.  ch.  ix.  29  sqq.),  or  even  from  the  annals  of  the  king  of  Persia  (comp.  chap.  ii.  23  ;  vi. 
1 ).  See  L.ANGEN,  Die  deuterocanonischen  Stiicke  des  Buehes  Esther,  Freiburg,  1862).  The  hy- 
potheses in  question  were  only  originated  to  defend  the  canonicity  of  these  additions  decreed 
by  the  Council  of  Trent.  A  second,  more  eularged  book  of  Esther,  whose  expansion  has  been 
gratuitously  assumed,  but  which  was  not  regarded  worthy  of  preservation,  is  nothing  more 
than  a  wilful  and  highly  improbable  fiction,  as  indeed  is  virtually  conceded  by  Laxgen. 
But  as  to  these  additions  themselves,  which  according  to  Laxgex  still  have  documentary  va- 
lue, we  would  call  attention  to  the  following  considerations  : 

(1)  The  dream  of  Mordecai  stands  in  such  a  slight  connection  with  the  rest  of  the  history 


J  4.   COMPOSITION,  TIME  OF  ORIGIN,  AND  INTEGRITY.  23 

that  its  very  presence  declares  it  a  useless  and  unessential  work.  In  order  that  it  might  not 
appear  too  isolated,  its  author  has  connected  it  with  the  discovery  of  the  conspiracy  of  the 
two  court  officials,  as  if  this  were  the  first  and  the  chief  point  of  the  general  history,  especially 
of  the  enmity  of  Ilaman  against  Mordecai.  But  thereby  he  becomes  involved  ii  contradic- 
tions with  the  original  book,  as  is  evident  in  departures  from  the  latter  traceable  in  the  addi- 
tions. For  example,  it  is  stated  that  Mordecai  had  his  dream  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign 
of  Artaxerxes  (Achashverosh).  Consequently  he  must  then  also  have  discovered  the  con- 
spiracy. But  according  to  chap.  ii.  21  sqq.  these  court  officers  entered  into  a  conspiracy  after 
the  elevation  of  Esther.  It  must,  therefore,  have  been  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  the 
king.  Again  Mordecai  is  represented  as  having  already  received  some  presents,  by  which  the 
jealousy  of  Ilaman  was  intensified;  whereas  in  chap.  vi.  3  it  is  stated  that  he  had  not  yet' 
been  rewarded.  But  what  makes  the  whole  account  very  suspicious  is  that  the  contents  of 
our  book  woull  be  materially  altered  and  weakened  by  this  incentive  to  the  hostility  of  Ila- 
man towards  M  irdecai.  The  conflict  between  heathenism  and  Judaism,  as  such,  would  be 
transformed  i-.toan  ordinary  contest  between  two  rival  aspirants. 

(2)  These  additions  contrast  so  strongly  in  the'r  spirit  and  tone  with  the  genuine  book  of 
Either,  that  we  are  obliged  to  look  for  their  origin  elsewhere.  The  religious  element,  which 
in  the  real  book  of  Esther  is  so  rarely  manifested,  is  in  them  very  decidedly,  we  might  say 
extravagantly,  expressed — so  much  so  that  we  could  properly  accuse  them  of  a  species  of  hy- 
pocrisy. 

(3)  Even  the  diction  makes  it  clearly  probable  that  the  passages  referred  to  were  origi- 
nally written  in  Greek.  Thus  the  circumstance  speaks  against  them,  that  where  the  co_fe- 
rence  between  Esther  and  the  king  is  related,  they  have  a  strong  Grrecizing,  and  even  an 
Alexandrine  romantic  character ;  which,  according  to  Ewald,  reminds  us  very  forcibly  of  the 
2d  book  of  Maccabees.  So  also  the  notorious  fact,  that  for  a  long  lime  they  were  accepted 
by  the  Jews  who  spoke  Greek,  but  not  by  the  others,  at  least  not  by  the  authors  of  the  Tar- 
gums.  In  keeping  with  their  Greek-Alexandrine  origin,  is  the  peculiarity  that  the  author 
of  these  additions  in  several  places  designates  Haman  as  being  a  Macedonian  (Ma«<S<ii>)  instead 
of  an  Agagite.  This  is  done,  doubtless,  to  make  the  epithet  intelligible  to  his  own  vicinity 
and  age,  as  that  of  an  enemy  of  the  Jewish  people  (in  accordance  with  the  text  yet  to  be  re- 
ferred to,  but  which  is  rarely  found  at  the  end  of  the  first  addition;  and  also  according  to  the 
edict  interpolated  at  chap.  viii.  13,  as  well  as  chap.  ix.  24,  where  no  tampering  hand  would 
be  likely  to  be  traced). 

Doubtless  we  here  have  only  embellishments,  which  some  one  has  permi'ted  himself  to 
add,  on  the  ground  of  tradition,  or  through  his  own  poetic  fancy.  The  comfort  which  the 
book  gave  was  too  desirable  for  it  to  wait  long  to  become  a  favorite  book  with  the  people. 
They  might  indeed,  perhaps,  have  felt  the  absence  of  the  religious  element.  But,  as  has 
already  been  remarked,  the  Jewish  community  did  not  stand  in  such  a  receptive  attitude 
towards  those  books  written  later,  as  towards  the  older  sacred  writings,  which  for  some  time 
previous  had  received  a  closed  form.  Yet  they  infallibly  detected  these  suspicious  passages 
by  the  interrupting  of  the  general  scope  of  the  work  by  the  conjectures  thereby  made  by  the 
mention  of  edicts  that  were  decreed,  as  if  those  missing  things  should  be  added  to  complete 
the  narrative.  Indeed  some  one  had  evidently  felt  called  upon,  at  these  interesting  points  of 
detail,  to  expand  the  narrative  occasionally.  But  how  and  when  were  enlarging  or  finishing 
touches  given  ?  That  these  additions  had  their  origin  in  the  reason  just  mentioned  was  held 
by  Jerome,  who  in  the  preface  to  Esther  remarks:  "  The  Vulgate  edition  draws  this  book 
hither  and  thither  by  redundant  coves  (laciniosis  sinibus)  of  words,  adding  whatever  could  on 
the  occasion  be  said  or  heard;  as  is  the  custom  in  school  exercises,  after  taking  a  theme  to 
think  out  what  words  he  can  use  who  has  sustained  an  injury,  or  he  who  has  done  an  injury." 

We  may  also  observe  the  presumed  progress  of  this  tradition  in  the  history  of  the  book 
of  Esther.  In  an  earlier  text  of  the  Septuagint  version  (in  Cod.  19,  93  and  10S8  first  pub- 
lished by  James  Ussher  in  his  Syntagma  de  Grseca  LXIX.  intcrpretum  versione,  Lond.,  lGoo; 
next  by  Fiutzsche  in  his  'ES3HP,  duplicem  libri  textum,  ed.  Turici,  1S48),  we  find  a  special 
mode  of  treatment,  which,  of  course,  is  but  a  remodelling  of  the  original  text.     This  text 


J4  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 

changed  what  was  unintelligible  and  objectionable,  and  contracted  what  was  too  broadly 
asserted ;  thereby  removing  contradictions.  But  it  also  added  other  emendations  (comp. 
Fritzsche,  Exeg.  Handbuch  zu  den  Apokr.,  p.  70  sq.).  Josephtjs,  on  his  part,  holds  unre- 
servedly to  the  Septuagint  version,  especially  following  the  more  ancient  text.  But  he  omits 
Mordecai's  dream  and  its  interpretation,  and  thus  discloses  a  growing  tradition  by  relating 
that  a  Jewish  slave,  Barnabazu,  had  revealed  to  Mordeeai  the  conspiracy  of  the  door-keepers 
spoken  of  in  chap.  ii.  Even  the  old  Latin  translation,  made  prior  to  Jerome's  time,  used 
some  free  ornamentations  (comp.  Fritzsche,  as  above  p.  74  sq.). 

The  Chaldee  paraphrases  or  Targunu  are  very  important  to  the  understanding  of  our 
book,  chiefly  because  they  have  not  adopted  the  Greek  additions.  If  the  latter  had  been  at 
all  genuine  and  authentic,  they  must  have  done  very  differently.  A  tradition  would  proba- 
bly have  arisen  which,  after  the  Talmudic  period,  would  have  asserted  its  authority.  Still 
we  must  notice  that  some  of  them  at  least  have  embellishments.  Among  the  earliest  of  the 
Chaldee  versions  we  regard  the  Targum  on  Esther  as  now  found  in  the  Antwerp  Polyglot 
Bible.  This  is  nothing  more  than  an  exact  translation  of  the  Ileb.  book.  But  the  so-called 
first  Targum  on  Esther  found  in  the  London  Polyglot  (comp.  Targum  prius  et  posteriui  in 
Esiheram  nunc  primum  in  ling.  Lat.  fransl..  stud,  et  op.  Franc.  Taileri,  Lond.,  1665,  4to.; 
see  also  another  edition  by  Wolf,  Bibl.  Ilebr.,  II.,  p.  H71  sqq.).  This  follows  very  closely  the 
Hebrew  book  verse  for  verse.  Hence  it  has  no  place  for  the  dream  of  Mordeeai.  But  in 
order  to  give  our  book  a  higher  and  wider  relation,  it  designates  Ahasuerus  in  ch.  i.  1  as  the 
one  in  whose  time  the  building  of  the  temple  was  at  a  stand-still,  and  looks  upon  Hainan  as 
the  one  to  blame  for  that  delay.  It  understands  that  the  two  courtiers  in  chapter  ii.  21 
entered  into  a  conspiracy  against  the  king,  because  they  saw  Mordeeai  sitting  in  the  Sanhe- 
drim, which  had  been  built  in  the  king's  gate  by  Esther's  orders,  and  they  deemed  themselves 
thereby  crowded  out  of  favor.— «373  yy\3  "IWD»  T^  nrfWH  p.VIJOa  1W  OTn  JUXH  kPgV3. 
It  has  also  discovered  that  Haman,  who  is  poetically  represented  in  the  beginning  of  ch.  iii. 
as  having  been  promoted  for  the  exaltation  of  the  divine  glory,  is  angry  at  Mordeeai  above 
all  others,  inasmuch  as  he  himself  wishes  to  make  his  own  daughter  queen  in  the  place  of 
Esther.  It  ignores  the  prayers  which  the  Greek  Bible  puts  into  the  mouth  of  Mordeeai  and 
Esther.  Still  it  points  out  in  ch.  iv.  16  that  Esther  requested  not  only  that  a  fast  should  be 
observed  on  her  behalf,  but  also  that  they  should  pray  day  and  night.  Besides  it  puts  a 
prayer  in  an  altogether  arbitrary  manner  into  the  mouth  of  Esther  herself  in  ch.  v.,  in  which 
she  does  not,  as  is  stated  in  the  Greek  Bible,  have  regard  to  her  people  first  and  chiefly,  but 
to  herself  purely :  "Lord  of  the  universe,  do  not  give  me  over  into  the  hands  of  this  uncir- 
cumcised  man,  and  fulfil  not  the  desire  of  this  wicked  Haman  on  me!''  etc.  The  so-called 
second  Targum  which,  especially  in  eh.  i.  1,  has  a  style  at  once  homiletical  and  extravagantly 
rhetorical,  but  which  in  general  is  more  simple  and  brief  than  the  former  one,  knows  just  as 
little  of  Mordecai's  dream.*  But,  on  the  other  hand,  in  ch.  iii.  3,  Mordeeai  is  made  to  de- 
clare that  God  alone  is  to  be  worshipped,  and  to  show  the  baseness  of  man  and  the  exalted 
character  of  God.  In  ch.  iii.  8  Haman  in  a  very  round-about  way  exposes  the  customs  and 
ordinances  of  the  Jews.  An  edict  of  Ahasuerus,  having  for  its  object  the  destruction  of  the 
Jews,  is  here  inserted  though  it  is  first  properly  supplemented  in  ch.  iv.  1.  But  this  is  just 
as  peculiar  as  the  prayer  of  Esther  referred  to  in  ch.  v.  1. 

The  book  ascribed  to  Josirc-N  ben  Gorion  contains  the  dream  and  prayer  of  Mordeeai 
and  also  that  of  Esther  in  its  ch.  ii.  1-3.  It  has  also  very  faithfully  copied  from  the  Greek 
B'ble  the  statement  of  the  appearance  of  Esther  before  the  king;  and  it  has  formed  the  me- 
dium by  which  such  passages  might  be  transmitted  to  the  Jews  speaking  or  writing  in  He- 
brew, in  the  Midrashim,  etc.  We  find  the  prayer  and  dream  of  Mordeeai,  as  given  in  Josi- 
pon's  work  carried  over  verbatim  into  the  oldest  Midrash  on  Esther  (Wolf,  Bibl.  Hcbr.,  ii., 
p.  1332 ;  and  Zunz,  as  above,  p.  2G4). 

The  Chaldaic  section  also,  beginning  with  the  superscription  :  "A  prayer  of  Mordeeai; 

*  Tt  is  an  erroneous  or  indefinite  mode  of  expression  when  Zuwz,  in  his  work  'Die  rjotUvlicnstlichcn  Yortrage 
(It  Juden,  p.  121),  remarks:  "The  dream  and  prayers  of  Mordeeai  and  Esther  a>-e  found  to  vary  very  much  from 
the  Greek  text,  especially  in  the  second  book  of  the  Targum  of  the  Book  of  Esther,"  etc 


4.    COMPOSITION,  TIME  OF  ORIGIN,   AND  INTEGRITY 


a  prayer  of  Esther,  and  a  dream  of  the  former,"  and  occurring  in  several  not  very  ancient 
manuscripts  of  the  Old  Testament  (comp.  Zunz,  p.  121),  is  really  nothing  more  than  an 
almost  literal  translation  of  Josipon  ii.  1-2.  De  Rossi  was  certainly  in  error  when  he  re- 
garded this  as  a  main  proof  for  his  theory,  that  originally  there  must  have  been  a  more 
copious  book  of  Esther,  out  of  which  he  took  these  Chaldaic  passages  to  be  the  original  docu- 
ments preserved. 

[The  importance  of  these  apocryphal  additions  to  the  book  of  Esther  demands  some  further  no- 
tice. We  condense  the  following  particulars  from  the  article  in  McClintock's  and  Stkono's  Cij- 
clopcedia,  s.  v.: — 

In  the  Septuagint  and  Old  Latin  versions  these  additions  are  dispersed  through  the  canonical 
book,  forming  therewith  a  well-digested  whole;  and  they  therefore  have  in  those  versions  no  sepa- 
rate title.  Jerome  separated  them  in  his  edition,  and  removed  (or  rather  added)  them  to  the  end 
of  the  book  because  they  are  not  in  the  Hebrew,  and  they  consequently  appear  in  the  Vulgate  as 
the  last  seven  chapters  of  the  book.  Luther  entirely  severed  the  apocryphal  books  from  the  ca- 
nonical, placing  the  additions  in  question  under  a  separate  title;  and  the  English  Version  has  fol- 
lowed him  in  this,  designating  these  pieces  as  "the  rest  of  the  chapters  of  the  Book  of  Esther,  which 
are  found  neither  in  the  Hebrew  nor  in  the  Chaldee,"  and  numbering  them  as  "part  of  the  tenth 
chapter  after  the  Greek,"  and  chaps,  xi. — xvi. 

The  design  of  these  additions  evidently  is  to  give  a  more  decidedly  religious  tone  to  the  record 
contained  in  the  book  of  Esther,  and  to  show  more  plainly  how  wonderfully  the  God  of  Israel  inter- 
fered to  save  His  people  and  confound  their  enemies.  This  the  writer  has  effected  by  elaborating 
upon  the  events  narrated  in  the  canonical  volume  the  following  pieces: 

1.  Chap.  i.  1  of  the  canonical  book  is  preceded  in  the  Septuagint  by  a  piece  which  tells  us  that 
Mordecai,  who  was  in  the  service  of  Artaxerxes,  dreamed  of  the  dangers  that  threatened  his  people 
and  of  their  deliverance  (vers.  1-12).  He  afterwards  discovered  a  conspiracy  against  the  king,  which 
he  disclosed  to  him,  and  was  greatly  rewarded  for  it  (vers.  13-18).  In  the  Vulg.  and  English  this 
constitutes  chap.  xi.  2 — xii.  6. 

2.  Between  vers.  13  and  14  of  chap.  iii.  of  the  canonical  book  the  Septuagint  gives  a  copy  of  the 
king's  edict,  addressed  to  all  the  satraps,  to  destroy  without  compassion  that  foreign  and  rebellious 
people,  the  Jews,  for  the  good  of  the  Persian  nation,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  month  of 
the  coming  year.     In  the  Vulgate  and  English  this  is  chap.  xiii.  1-7. 

3.  At  the  end  of  chap.  iv.  17  of  the  canonical  book  the  Septuagint  has  two  pravers  of  Mordecai 
and  Esther,  that  God  may  avert  the  impending  destruction  of  His  people.  In  the  Vulgate  and  Eng- 
lish this  is  chap.  xiii.  8 — xiv. 

4.  In  the  midst  of  vers.  1  and  2  of  chap.  v.  of  the  canonical  book  the  Septuagint  inserts  a  de- 
tailed account  of  Esther's  visit  to  the  king.     This  is  chap.  xv.  of  the  Vulgate  and  English. 

5.  Between  vers.  13  and  14  of  chap.  viii.  of  the  canonical  book  the  Septuagint  gives  a  copy  of 
the  edict  which  the  king  sent  to  all  his  satraps,  in  accordance  with  the  request  of  Mordecai  and 
Esther,  to  abolish  his  former  decree  against  the  Jews.  This  is  chapter  xvi.  of  the  Vulgate  and 
English. 

6.  At  the  close  of  the  canonical  book,  chap.  x.  3,  the  Septuagint  has  a  piece  in  which  we  are 
told  that  Mordecai  had  now  recalled  to  his  mind  his  extraordinary  dream,  and  seen  how  literally  it 
had  been  fulfilled  in  all  its  particulars  (vers.  4-9).  It  also  gives  an  account  of  the  proclamation  of 
the  Purim  festival  in  Ej;ypt  (vers.  10-13).  This  is  given  first  in  the  apocrypha  portion  of  the  Vul- 
gate, and  English  (as  chap.  x.  4-13). 

7.  The  whole  book  in  the  Septuagint  is  closed  with  the  following  entry :  "  In  the  fourth 
year  of  the  reign  of  Ptolemseus  and  Cleopatra,  Dositheus,  who  said  he  was  a  priest  and  Levite,  and 
Ptolemy  his  son,  brought  this  epistle  of  Phurim,  which  they  said  was  the  same,  and  that  Lvsimachus, 
the  son  of  Ptolemy,  that  was  in  Jerusalem,  had  interpreted  it."  In  the  Vulgat<}  and  English  this 
forms  chap.  xi.  1. 

The  patriotic  spirit  with  which  the  Jewish  nation  so  fondly  expatiated  upon  the  remarkable 
events  and  characters  of  by-gone  days,  and  which  gave  rise  to  those  beautiful  legends  preserved  in 
their  copious  literature,  scarcely  ever  had  a  better  opportunity  afforded  to  it  for  employing  its  richly 
inventive  powers  to  magnify  the  Great  Jehovah,  embalm  the  memory  of  the  heroes,  and  brand  the 
names  of  the  enemies  of  Israel,  than  in  the  canonical  book  of  Esther.     Nothing  could  ba  more  na- 


26  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OP  ESTHER. 

taral  for  a  nation  who  "had  a  zeal  of  God"  than  to  supply  the  name  of  God,  and  to  point  out  more  dis- 
tinctly His  interposition  in  their  behalf  in  an  inspired  book,  which,  though  recording  their  marvel- 
lous escape  from  destruction,  had  for  some  reasons  omitted  avowedly  to  acknowledge  the  Lord  of  Is- 
rael. The  temptation  was  too  great  to  be  resisted,  and,  as  in  the  case  of  all  apocryphal  writing,  we 
are  readily  enabled  by  this  meretricious  embellishment  to  detect  the  false  amid  the  genuine. 

Besides  the  book  implies  and  suggests  far  more  than  it  records,  and  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
there  are  many  other  things  connected  with  the  history  it  contains  which  were  well  known  at  the 
time,  and  were  transmitted  traditionally  and  otherwise  to  the  nation.  This  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  Josephus  (Antiq.  XI.  6,  6  sq.)  give3  the  edict  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews  in  the  Persian 
empire,  the  prayers  of  Mordecai  and  Esther,  and  the  second  edict  authorizing  the  Jews  to  destroy 
their  enemies,  also  mentioning  the  name  of  the  eunuch's  servant,  a  Jew,  who  betrayed  the  conspiracv 
to  Mordecai,  and  citing  other  passages  for  the  Persian  chronicles,  read  to  Ahasuerus,  besides  that 
relating  to  Mordecai,  as  well  as  amplifications  of  the  king's  speech  to  Hainan,  etc.  The  same  appears 
in  the  fact  that  the  second  Targum,  the  Chaldee  published  by  De  Rossi,  and  Josephus  ben-Gori- 
don  (ed.  Breithaupt,  p.  74  sq.)  give  the  dream  of  Mordecai,  as  well  as  his  prayer  and  that  of 
Esther. 

The  first  addition,  in  which  Mordecai  foresees  in  a  dream  both  the  dangers  and  the  salvation  of 
his  people,  is  in  accordance  with  the  desire  to  give  the  whole  a  more  religious  tone.  The  latter  part 
of  this  addition  is  intended  to  develope  more  distinctly  the  brief  statement  given  in  the  canonical 
book  of  the  loyal  service  of  Mordecai,  so  as  to  explain  so  important  an  incident.  In  like  manner  the 
second  addition  originated  from  the  fact  that  chap.  iii.  13  of  the  canonical  book  speaks  of  the  royal 
edict ;  hence  this  piece  pretends  to  furnish  said  document  in  full.  The  same  is  the  case  with  the 
third  addition,  which  aims  to  supply  the  prayers  said  in  chap.  iv.  17  to  have  been  offered  by  Morde- 
cai and  Esther.  So  also  the  fourth  addition,  giving  a  detailed  account  of  Esther's  interview  with 
the  king,  originated  in  a  desire  to  furnish  more  complete  information  upon  a  fact  merely  alluded  to 
in  the  canonical  passage.  The  fifth  addition  originated  in  the  same  manner  as  the  second,  namelv, 
in  an  attempt  to  supply  a  copy  of  the  royal  edict ;  while  the  sixth  addition  ingeniously  concludes 
with  an  interpretation  of  the  dream  in  the  first  addition.  The  final  entry  ^as  apparently  intended 
to  give  authority  to  this  Greek  version  of  Esther  by  pretending  that  it  was  a  certified  translation 
from  the  Hebrew  original.  Ptolemy  Philometor,  who  is  here  meant,  began  to  reign  B.  C.  181.  He 
is  the  same  who  is  frequently  mentioned  in  1  Mace.  (e.  g.,  x.  57  ;  xi.  12 ;  comp.  Josephus,  Ant.  XIII. 
4,  1  and  5 ;  Clinton,  Fasti.  Hcllcn.,  III.  393).  Dositheus  seems  to  be  a  Greeek  version  of  Matti- 
tiah.  Ptolemy  was  also  a  common  name  for  Jews  at  that  time.  Thus  every  one  of  these  addi- 
tions is  naturally  accounted  for  as  a  fabrication  having  an  adequate  and  natural  motive  in  the 
connection. 

From  what  has  been  remarked  above,  it  will  be  at  once  apparent  that  these  apocryphal  addi- 
tions were  neither  manufactured  by  the  translator  of  the  canonical  Esther  into  Greek,  nor  are  they 
the  production  of  the  Alexandrian,  nor  of  any  other  school  or  individual,  embracing  some  of  the 
numerous  national  stories  connected  with  this  marvellous  deliverance  of  God's  ancient  people,  the 
authorship  of  which  is  lost  in  the  nation.  Many  of  them  date  as  far  back  as  the  nucleus  of  the  event 
itself,  around  which  they  cluster,  and  all  of  them  grew  up  at  first  in  the  vernacular  language  of  the 
people  (i.  e.,  the  Hebrew  or  Aramaic),  but  afterwards  assumed  the  complexion  and  language  of  the 
countries  in  which  the  Jews  happened  to  settle  down.  Besides  the  above  references  which  lead  us 
to  these  conclusions,  we  refer  also  to  the  two  Midrashim  published  by  Jellixek  in  his  Bethham- 
Midrash,  I.  (Lpz.  1853),  1  sq. 

It  is  of  this  Septuagint  version  that  Athanasius  (Test.  Epist.,  p.  39,  Oxford  translation)  spoke 
when  he  assigned  the  Book  of  Esther  to  the  non-canonical  books;  and  this  also  is,  perhaps,  the  rea- 
son why,  in  some  of  the  lists  of  the  canonical  books,  Esther  is  not  named,  e.  <j.,  in  those  of  Melito 
of  Sardis,  and  Gregory  Nazianzen  (see  Wiiittaker,  Disput.  on  H.  Script.,  Parker  Society,  pp.  57- 
58 ;  CosiN  on  the  Canon  of  Scripture,  pp.  49,  50),  unless  in  these  it  is  included  under  some  other 
book,  as  Ruth  or  Esdras  (Lee,  Dissert,  on  2  Esdras,  p.  20).  The  fathers,  who  generally  regarded 
the  Septuagint  as  containing  the  sacred  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament,  mostly  believed  in  the  ca- 
nonicity  of  the  additions  likewise.  Even  Origen,  though  admitting  that  they  are  not  in  the  He- 
brew, defended  their  canonicity  (Ep.  ad  Abiram,  ed.  West,  p.  225),  and  the  Council  of  Trent  pro- 
nounced the  whole  book  of  Esther,  with  all  its  parts,  to  be  canonical.  These  additions,  however, 
were  never  included  in  the  Hebrew  canon,  and  the  fact  that  Josephus  quotes  them  only  shows  that 


J  5.    LITERATURE. 


he  believed  them  to  be  historically  true,  but  not  inspired.  Jerome,  who  knew  better  than  any  other 
father  what  the  ancient  Jews  included  in  their  canon,  most  emphatically  declares  them  to  be  spuri- 
ous (Prcef.  iaEslh.).  Sixtds  Sinensis,  in  spite  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  speaks  of  these  additions  iu 
the  same  condemnatory  manner. 

See,  in  addition  to  the  literature  elsewhere  cited  in  this  connection,  The  Targum  Sheni  on 
Esther,  in  Walton's  Polyglott,  Vol.  IV.;  Eichhorn,  Einleitung  in  d.  Apost.  Schriftcn  d.  A.  T.  (Leip- 
zig, 1795),  p.  4S3:  Hottinger,  Tliesaurus,  p.  494;  Schntjrrer  (cd.),  Varies  Lectiones  Estheris 
(Tub.,  17S3) ;  LTerzfeld,  Ocschichte  d.  Vottes  Israel  (Nordhausen,  1857,  Vol.  I.,  p.  303  sq.);  Keil, 
Lehrb.  der  Historisch-Kritischcn  Elnleit.  (ed.  1859),  p.  105  sq.] 

\  5.     LITERATURE. 

Jewish  expositors,  next  to  the  Targums,  Midrashini  and  Rabboth,  of  which  Zt/nz  speaks 
{Goltesdienstliche  Vortrdge  d.  Yuden,  espec.  p.  35,  61  and  170  sqq.),  have  published  commen- 
taries, some  of  which  embrace  the  whole  of  the  hagiographa  (comp.  the  literature  on  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah),  while  others  are  only  on  the  five  Megilloth  (Canticles,  Ruth,  Lamentations,  Ec- 
clesiastes  and  Esther). 

To  the  latter  belong  IlK-a  (Elucidation)  rrfViB  ODD  h'J  by  Abdias  Sphorni,  an  Italian 
physician,  printed  in  Venice,  4to.;  also  CUTS  or  exposition  of  the  five  Megilloth  by  Elisa 
Galiko,  president  of  the  Synagogue  in  Safed,  publ.  in  Venice,  in  1587,  4to. ;  also  short  ex- 
planations by  Joseph  Titatzack  or  Taitzack,  a  Spaniard,  who  likewise  commented  ou 
Daniel  (Venice,  1608,  4to.).  So  also  Israel  Aramah,  a  Spaniard,  who  commented  on  the 
Pentateuch  and  the  Megilloth  ([Constantinople,  1518,  4to.],  Venice,  1573);  Moses  Almo- 
Shintjs  (Venice,  1597,  4to.) ;  R.  Abraham,  of  Heilbronn  (under  the  title  of  |VX  mnx,  Amor 
Sionis,  Lublin,  1639),  and  others.  As  specially  relating  to  Esther,  we  may  mention  the  com- 
mentaries by  R.  Isaak  Leon,  a  Spaniard  (Venice,  1565,  4to.;  see  Bartolocci,  in  Bib!, 
magna  Babb.) ;  by  R.  Salomon  ben  Zemach  pints"  mx  an) ;  by  R.  Abraham  ben  Isaak 
Zahalon  (Zabulon  or  Zebulon),  which  is  a  literal,  allegorical  and  moral  exposition  [SVi. 
D'nbs,  Venice,  1595, 4to.) ;  by  R.  Samuel  ben  Judah  Valerius  ("iSan  Tf  Venice,  1585, 
4to. ;  by  R.  Salomon  Levi  Alcabaz,  R.Leo  and  others  (in  Carpzov,  Inlrod.,  I.,  p.  375). 

Few  Christian  theologians  have  treated  of  the  book  of  Esther.  The  Church-fathers  have 
left  us  no  exposition  or  treatment  of  it  at  all.  Of  Romau  Catholic  authors  and  their  works 
we  may  mention  :  Dionys.  Carthusiaxi,  Enarraliones  in  libr.  Hester,  etc.  (Colonia?,  1534, 
fol.);  a  German  exposition  of  Esther  by  John  Ferns  (Mayence,  1567);  Frano  Feuab- 
dentii  Commentaria  (Paris,  1585,  Colon.,  1595) ;  Serarii  Coram,  in  Tobiam,  Judith,  Esther 
el  MaccabcEOS  (Mayence,  1610);  OLIVIERII  Bonartii  C'omm.  Uteralis  et  moratis  (Colon., 
1647) ;  and  DlDACI  CELADiElS  Comm.  cum  duplici  tractatu  de  convivio  Ahasueri  mystico,  i.  e., 
Dc  Eucharistia  et  de  Esther figitratai.  e.beata  Virgine  (Lugduni,  1648,  fob).  The  commen- 
tary of  Feuardentius,  which  is  written  in  easy  and  almost  too  flowing  Latin,  far  surpasses 
all  those  before  mentioned.  All  the  others  savor  of  aa  intolerably  insipid  allegorical  identi- 
fication of  Esther  with  the  beata  coeleslis  Begina  (the  Virgin  Mary) ;  whereas  this  of  Feuar- 
dentius is  marked  by  sober,  sound  and  very  practical  exegesis,  and  is  based  on  much  general 
reading.  Although  he  now  and  then  includes  the  Lutherans  among  the  Hamanites  to  be 
exterminated,  still  Feuardentius  has  very  perceptibly  and  early  taken  pattern  after  the  evan- 
gelical exegesis,  and  copied  some  of  the  work  of  Brenz  almost  literally. 

On  the  part  of  the  Evangelical  Church  Brenz  treats  of  the  book  of  Esther  in  [Oom- 
menlarii  (Tubing  ,  1575) ;  in  Engl,  by  Stockwood,  Lond.,  1584,  4to.;  also  in]  Operr.  II.;  also 
Vict.  Strigel,  Libri  Esdrce,  Nehemiee,  Esther  et  Ruth,  ad  Ebraicam  veritatem  recogniti  et 
arguments  afque  scholiis  illustrali  (Lips.,  1571,  1572,  8vo.).  There  follow:  CoUR.  PELLICAN, 
Comment.  Bibl.  (Figuri,  1583,  fob);  Lud.  Lavater,  Homilim  (Figuri,  1586);  Rud.  Wal- 
ther  (Gualtherus)  Homiliarum  syha  (Figuri,  158,  8vo.);  Franz  Burmann,  a  German 
Commentary  published  at  Frankford,  1695;  Balth.  Kerner,  Ehren-Krone  der  demuthigen 
Ether  (Ulm,  1666) ;  Gottfried  Meisner,  Niedrigen  aher  nachmah  erhohen  Esther,  mit 
biblisch-historischen  Schmuck  angethan  (Hamburg,  1687) ;  Com.  ADAMUS,  Observatt.  theol.phil. 
(Gron.,  1710,  on  chap.  ii.). 


28  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 

Among  those  of  more  modern  date  may  be  mentioned  a  work  which  ha3  not  been  referred 
to  in  the  literature  on  Ezra  and  Nehemiah ;  Crusitts,  De  usu  iibri  Estheroz  ad  praxin  vitce 
Christianas  (UItraj.,1775). 

The  question:  Who  is  to  be  understood  by  the  Ahasuerus  of  our  book?  [which  will  be 
fully  discussed  in  the  Exegetical  Notes  on  ch.  i.  1]  has  been  treated  by  Franc.  Wokenttjs 
in  his  Commentatio  in  I.  Esiherce  (1730),  and  by  Aster  in  his  Diss.  phil.  de  Esterm  cum  Aha- 
suero  conjugio  (Wittenberg,  1730),  both  of  whom  held  that  Astyages  is  meant,  although  Jos. 
Scaliger  had  given  the  correct  interpretation,  as  also  Joh.  Wauckel,  in  his  Dissert,  de 
Assuero  Esthcrce  niarito,  which  he  directed  specially  against  Jos.  Scaliger. 

As  introductory  works  we  may  notice:  Schulze,  De  fide  historic!  I.  Esthers,  in  the  Bibl. 
JTagana,  V,  VI. ;  Kelle,  Yindicice  Estherce  (Frib.,  1820) ;  Mich.  Bauugarten,  De  file 
libri  Esiherce  Comm.  hist.  crit.  (Hal.,  1830) ;  J.  A.  Nickes,  De  Esiherce  libra  el  ad  cum  quce 
pertinent  vaticiniis  el  Psa'mis  libri  Ires  (Romse,  1856) ;  also  the  articles  on  Esther  by  Rdedi- 
ger  in  Ersch  and  Gruber's  Encycl.,  by  Baumgarten  in  IIerzog's  Real-encycl.,  and  by 
Reuss  in  Schenkel's  Bibel-Lexikon. 

[Additional  Literature. — Raban  Mattrus,  Commentaria  (in  his  Opera);  BanolAS, 
enva  (Rivadi  Trento,  1560,  4to.) ;  Ashkenazi,  npS  "|DV  (Cremona,  1576,  4to.,  etc.);  Me- 
LAMMED,  '3T1D  "10X3  (Constantinople,  1585,  4to.);  Drustcs,  Annotationes  (Leyden,  1586, 
4to.);  Alsheich,  Hen  nxira  (Venice,  1601,  4to.);  Cooper,  Notes  (London,  1009,  4to.); 
D'Aqutne,  Baschii  Scholia  (Paris,  1622,  4to.);  Molder,  DUposiliones  (Dantzig,  1625,  4to.) ; 
Sanctitjs,  Commentarii  (Lydeu,  1628,  fol.);  Couzio,  Commenlo  (Chisri,  1628,  4to.) ;  Duran, 
rto  -13D  (Venice,  1632,  4to.);  Crommius,  Tlieses  (Lovan,  1632,  4to.);  Merkel,  N-on  KT3 
(Lublin,  1637,  4to.);  Montantjs,  Commentarius  (Madrid,  1648,  fol.);  Trapp,  Commentary 
(London,  1656,  fol.);  Jackson,  Explanation  (London,  1658,  4to.);  Barnes,  Paraphrasis 
poetica  (London,  1679,  8vo.);  RAMBAcn,  Notce  (in  his  Adnot.  V.  T.  II.  1043  sqq.) ;  Heu- 
mann,  Esiherce  auctoritas  (Gotting.,  1736,  4to.);  Meir,  |"  iincto  (Furth.,  1737,  8vo.);  Ne- 
storides,  Annotazioni  (Venice,  1746,  4to.);  Aucher,  De  auctoritale  Estherce  (Hannia?, 
1772,  4to.);  Vos,  Oraiio  (Lltraj.,  1775,  4to.);  Zinck,  Commentarius  (Augsb.,  17S0,  4to.) ; 
De  Rossi,  Varies  Lectiones  (Rome,  1782,  8vo.);  Pereles,  rnron  rhi  (Prague,  1784,  4to.); 
Wolfssohn,  *^n3X  (Berlin,  1788,  8vo.);  Samson,  Discourses  (Edinburg,  1804,  12mo.); 
LOWE,  U'^n  ~!1X  (Nouydwer,  1704,  4to.) ;  Schirmeb,  Observations  ( Vratiolav,  1320,  Svo.)  ; 
Caljiberg,  Commentarius  (Hamburgh,  1837,  4to.) ;  McCrie,  Lectures  (in  his  Works,  1S38, 
8vo.);  Morgan,  Esther  typical  (London,  1855,  8vo.);  Cordthwaite,  Eeclurei  (London, 
1858,  12mo.) ;  Davidson,  Lectures  (Edinburgh,  1859,  8vo.);  Bertheatj,  Kommentar.  (in 
the  Kurzgefastes  exegel.  Ilandbuch  des  A.  T.,  Leipzig,  1862,  8vo.);  Oppert,  Commenlaire 
d'apres  les  inscriptions  Perses  (Paris,  1864,  8vo.) ;  Wordsworth,  Notes  (in  his  Commentary 
on  the  Bible,  Lond.,  1866,  Svo.) ;  Keil,  Biblical  Commentary  (translated  from  the  German  of 
Keil  and  Delitzsch,  Commentary  on  the  O.  T.,  Edinburgh,  1873,  Svo.) ;  TERRY,  Commentiry 
(in  Whedon's  Commentary  on  the  Old  Test.,  New  York,  1873,  12rno.);  Raweinson,  Com- 
mentary  (in  the  Speaker's  Commentary,  London  and  New  York,  1873,  SvoJ 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


PART  FIRST. 

ORIGIN  AND  INCREASE  OF  DANGER  TO  THE  JEWS. 

Chaps.  I.— V. 

INTRODUCTION: 
The  Occasion  of  the  History.     The  Feast  of  Ahasuerus  and  Vashti's  Rejection. 

Chap.  I.  1-22. 

I.  Ahasuerus  assembles  the  princes  of  his  empire  around  him,  and  prepares  a  great  feast,  in  which  he 

endeavours  to  show  his  power  and  glory.    Vera.   1—8. 

1  Now  [And]  it  came  to  pass  [was]  in  the  days  of  Ahasuerus  [Achashverosb],  (this 
is  Ahasuerus  which  reigned  [the  one  being  king]  from  India   [Hodu]   even  unto 

2  [and  till]  Ethiopia  [Cush],  over  a  hundred  and  seven  and  twenty  provinces,)  That 
in  those  days  when  [as]  the  king  Ahasuerus  sat  on  the  throne  of  his  kingdom,  which 

3  was  in  Shushan  the  palace,1  In  the  third  year  of  his  reign,  he  made  a  feast2  unto  all 
his  princes  and  his  servants;  the  power3  of  Persia  [Paras]  and  Media  [Madai],  the 

4  nobles*  and  [the~\  princes  of  the  provinces,  being  before  him.  When  he  showed  the 
riches  of  his  glorious  [the  glory  of  his]  kingdom,  and  the  honour  of  his  excellent 

5  [the  excellence  of  his]  majesty,  many  days,  even  a  hundred  and  fourscore  days.  And 
when  these  days  were  [Aa<Z]  expired,  the  king  made  a  feast3  unto  all  the  people 
that  were  present  [found]  in  Shushan  the  palace,1  both  unto  great  and  [to  great  and 

6  even  to]  small,  seven  days,  in  the  court  of  the  garden  of  the  king's  palace;  Where 
were  white  [linen],  green  [cotton],  and  blue  [violet]  hangings,  fastened  with  cords 
of  fine  linen  and  purple  to  [on]  silver  rings  and  pillars  of  marble:  the  beds  were 
of  [there  were  beds  of]  gold  and  silver,  upon  a  pavement  of  red   [white]  and  blue 

7  [marble],  and  white  [pearl],  and  black  marble  [colored  stone].  And  they  gave 
them  [there  was  a  giving  of]  drink  in  vessels  of  gold,  ( the  vessels  being  [and  the 
vessels  were~\  diverse  one  from  another,)  and  royal  wine  in  abundance,  according  to 

8  the  state  [hand]  of  the  king.  And  the  drinking  www  according  to  the  law  ;  none 
did  compel :  for  so  the  king  had  appointed  [ordained]  to  [upon]  all  the  officers  [every 
great  one]  of  his  house,  that  they  should  do  [to  do]  according  to  every  man's  plea- 
sure. 

II.  Queen  Vash/i  refuses  tn  appear  before  the  king,  and  he  is  very  much  incensed  thereat.     Verses  9-12. 

9  Also  Vashti  the  queen  made  a  feast/1  for  [of]  the  women  in  the  royal  house  which 
10  belonged  to  king  Ahasuerus.     On  the  seventh  day,  when  [as]  the  heart  of  the  king 

was  merry  [good]  with  [the]  wine,  he  commande  '  [said  to]  Mehuman,  Biztha  Har- 
bona,  Bigtha,  and  Abagtha,  Zethar,  and  Carcas,  the  seven  chamberlains  [eunuchs] 

29 


30  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


1 1  that  served  in  the  presence  of  Ahasuerus  the  king,  To  bring  Vashti  the  queen  be- 
fore the  king,  with  the  crown  royal  [of  royalty],  to  show  the  people  [peoples]  and 

12  the  princes  her  beauty :  for  she  was  fair  to  look  on  [good  of  appearance].  But 
[And]  the  queen  Vashti  refused  to  come  at  the  king's  command  meat  [word]  [which 
was]  by  [the  hand  of]  his  [the]  chamberlains  [eunuchs]  :  therefore  [and]  was  the 
king  very  wroth,  and  his  auger  burned  [heat  devoured]  in  him. 

III.  In  accordance  with  the  counsel  of  his  wise  men  the  queen  is  rejected  by  a  public  decree  of  the  king. 

Verses  13-22. 

13  Then  [And]  the  king  said  to  the  wise  men,  which  knew  [knowers  of  ]  the  times, 
(for  so  was  the  king's  manner  [word]  toward  [before]  all  that  knew  [kuowers  of] 

1-4  law  and  judgment :  And  the  next  unto  him  was  Carshena,  Shethar,  Admatha,  Tar- 
shish,  Meres,  Marsena,  and  Memucan,  the  seven  princes  of  Persia  [Paras]  and  Me- 
dia [Madai],  which  saw  [seers  of]  the  king's  face,  and  which  sat  [the  sitters]  the 

15  first  in  the  kingdom);  What  shall  we  do  [la  there  to  do]  unto  [in  the  ease  of}  the 
queen  Vashti  according  to  law,  because  [upon  the  fact  that]  she  hath  not  performed 
[done]  the  commandment  of  the  king  Ahasuerus  by  [the  hand  of]   the  chamber- 

16  lains  [eunuchs]  ?  And  Memucan  auswered  [said]  before  the  king  and  the  princes, 
Vashti  the  queen  hath  not  done  wrong  to  [upon]  the  king  only,  but  [for]  also  to 
[upon]  all  the  princes,  and  to  [upon]  all   the  people  [peoples]   that  are  in  all  the 

17  provinces  of  the  king  Ahasuerus.  For  this  deed  [word]  of  the  queen  shall  come 
abroad  [go  forth]  unto  [upon]  all  [the]  women,  so  that  they  shall  [to  cause  them  to] 
despise  their  husbands  in  their  eyes,  when  it  shall  be  reported  [in  their  saying],  The 
king  Ahasuerus  commanded  [said]  Vashti  the  queen  to  be  brought   [to  bring]  in 

18  before  him,  but  [and]  she  came  not.  Likewise  shall  the  ladies  [princesses]  of  Per- 
sia [Paras]  and  Media  [Madai]  say  this  day  unto  all  the  king's  princes,  which 
[who]  have  heard5  of  the  deed  [word]  of  the  queen.     Thus  [And]  shall  there  arise 

19  too  much  [according  to  plenty]  contempt  and  wrath.  If  it  please  [be  good  upon] 
the  king,  let  there  go  [forth]  a  royal  commandment  [word]  from  [before]  him,  and 
let  it  be  written  among  the  laws  of  the  Persians  [Paras]  and  the  Medes  [Madai], 
that  [and  let]  it  be  not  altered  [not  pass],  That  Vashti  come  no  more  [not]  before 
king  Ahasuerus  ;  and  let  the  king  give  her  royal  estate  [royalty]  unto  another  [her 

20  neighbor]  that  is  better  than  she.  And  when  the  king's  decree  which  he  shall  make 
shall  be  published  [heard]  throughout  [in]  all  his  empire  [kingdom],  (for  it  is 
great,)  [and]  all  the  wives  [women]  shall   give  to  their   husbands  honour,  both  to 

21  great  and  small.     And  the  saying   [word]  pleased   [was  good  in  the  eyes  of  ]   the 

22  kiDg  and  the  princes  ;  and  the  king  did  according  to  the  word  of  Memucan  :  For 
[And]  he  sent  letters  into  [unto]  all  the  king's  provinces,  into  [unto]  every  province 
according  to  the  writing6  thereof,  and  to  [unto]  every  people  after  their  language, 
that  every  man  should  bear  rule  [for  every  man  to  be  prince]  in  his  own  house,  and 
that  it  should  be  published  [spoken]  according  to  the  language  of  every  [his]  people. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  2.  rP'2.  whence  0op«,  denotes  properly  a.  fortress,  hence  the  capital. — Te.] 

»  [Ver.  3.  njlOT,  a  drinking,  i.  «.,  a  banquet,  in  which  the  wine  was  the  principal  feature,  as  represented  freely 
on  the  Assyrian  monuments. — Tb.] 

3  [Ver.  3.  S'n,  military  force.— T&.] 

4  rVer.  3.  D'orns.  a  Persian  word  Hebraized.    As  it  is  here  in  the  "absolute  form,"  it  does  not  qualify  "pro- 
vinces" following,  but  stands  as  an  official  designation,  prohahly  of  civil  rank  at  court.— Tr.] 

'  [Ver.  18.  The  English  Version  has  unwarrantably  transposed  this  clause  ('which  have  heard,"  etch  which 
belongs  to  "ladies."  etc.,  above.— Tb.1  . 

•  [Ver.  22.  3,13  here  evidently  signifies  the  style  of  writing  peculiar  to  each  province.    Thus  the  cuneitorm 

differs  according  to  the  several  districts  of  the  Persian  empire.— Te.] 

which  Ahasuerus  was  unexpectedly  humbled  and 

.   .^   „„™,„.,  provoked  to  wrath,  while  purposing  to  show  his 

EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL.  P^  mnje9(y 

Vers.  1-8.   The  King's  Banquet. — The  point  of         Ver.  1.   Now  it  came  to  pass,  etc.     The  sen- 
departure  in  this  history  is  formed  by  a  feast  at    tence  begun  here,  in  its  chief  fact  really  follows 


CHAP.  I.  1-22. 


31 


ver.  3.  There  it  ia  stated  that  Ahasuerus  made 
a  fea9t  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign.  The  1  at 
the  beginning  has  not  the  conjunctive  sense  that 
it  has  in  Ezra  i.  1,  but  stands  more  indefinite. 
A  Hebrew  would  understand  this  as  a  matter  of 
which  much  hid  already  been  related,  and  of 
which  the  following  is  only  a  continuation.  Thus 
he  would  proceed  often  with  a  1  without  attach- 
ing any  definite  meaning  to  it.  'iVl  has  come  to 
be  a  conventional  formula  for  a  beginning,  conip. 
Jonah  i.  4;  Ez.  i.  1;  Isa.  liii.  2,  et  al.  Aha- 
suerus ( Achashverosh)  written  in  cuneiform 
letters  (coinp.  Lassen,  Zeitschr.  zur  Kunde  des  M. 
L.  VI.,  p.  123  sqq. ;  Benfey,  Die  pers.  Keilin- 
schrift,  p.  63  sqq  )  Khsy-arsha,  whence  Cyax- 
ares (coinp.  Dan.  ix.  1),  or  Khsay-arsha,  whence 
Xerxes  (coinp.  Ezra  iv.  6),  early  interpreted 
by  Herodotus  (vi.  98,  etc  ),  as  meaning apr/ioc,  ac- 
cording to  Spiegel  (Eranische  Allherthumskunde, 
II.  p.  377),  a  mighty  man,  here  does  not  mean,  as 
in  Dan.  ix  1,  Cyaxares  I,  the  father  of  Astyages, 
as  Ferrand  holds  [Reflexions  sur  la  religion  Chre- 
lienne,  I.,  p.  159),  and  Des  Vignoles  (Chronol.  II., 
p.  271).  and  Nickes  (De  Esthers  libro,  I.,  p.  43- 
59)  would  have  it,  since  they  especially  insist 
that,  according  to  chap.  ii.  5  sq.,  Mordecai  be- 
longed to  the  first  period  of  the  exile,  and  that 
our  book  nowhere  indicates  that  a  new  people 
had  again  arisen  in  Jerusalem.  Nor  is  the  mo- 
narch referred  to  the  same  as  As'yages,  as  is  as- 
Berted  in  the  works  referred  to  in  $  6;  and  still 
less  Artaxerxes,  as  Josephus  assumes  out  of  re- 
gard to  the  Septuagint  version;  but  he  is  cer- 
tainly Xerxes,  as  has  been  well  proved  by  Sca- 
liger  (De  emend,  temp,,  ed  Genev.,  p.  591  sqq.)  ; 
also  by  Justi  (in  Eichhorn's  Repert.  XV.,  p.  338), 
and  still  more  emphatically  by  Baumgarten  (De 
fide  I.  Esth.,  pp.  122-151,  and  in  his  treatises  re- 
specting Cyrus  the  Great,  in  the  Stud.  u.  KriL, 
1853,  p.  624  sqq.).  On  the  different  views  in 
reference  to  Ahasuerus,  see  especially  Feuardent 
on  our  book,  and  Pfeiffer,  Dubia  vex,  p.  481  sqq. 
Against  the  identification  with  either  Cyaxares 
or  Aslyages,  are  the  following  facts:  (1)  Shu- 
shan  was  already  the  capital  of  the  empire,  which 
it  became  through  Cyrus  (comp.  Strabo,  XV.); 
(2)  the  Persians  are  now  the  chief  people  (coinp. 
the  frequent  collection  of  "101  0^3,  e.  g„  in  ch. 
i.  3)  :  (3)  the  number  seven  indicates  that  of 
princes  at  the  court  of  the  king  (comp.  chap.  i. 
14);  (4)  many  other  specifically  Persian  pecu- 
liarities. Further,  the  empire  at  the  time  in 
question  extended  from  India  to  ^Ethiopia,  and 
stretched  also  to  the  coasts  and  isles  of  the  Me- 
diterranean sea  (comp.  chap.  i.  1  and  x.  1),  as 
was  the  case  since  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspis. 
The  Jews,  moreover,  are  here  represented  as 
scattered  over  all  parts  of  the  empire  (comp.  iii. 
7,  8)  and  particularly  numerous  in  the  city  of 
Shu6han  (comp.  chap.  ix.  12,  etc.).  On  the  con- 
trary Artaxerxes  is  called  in  the  Bible  (in  Ezra 
and  Neh.)  Artachsharshta  or  Artachshasta,  For 
Xerxes,  on  the  other  hand,  we  may  claim  the 
identity  of  names  (comp.  Ezra  ix.  6).  In  his  fa- 
vor is  also  the  whimsical  and  tyrannical  charac- 
ter manifested  by  the  Ahasuerus  of  Esther  (chap. 
i.  and  elsewhere).  Besides,  there  is  the  remarka- 
ble circumstance  that  Vashti  was  rejected  in  the 
third  year   of  Ahasuerus,  although   Esther  was 


not  made  queen  till  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign, 
which  in  the  case  of  Xerxes  maybe  explained  on 
the  basis  that  between  his  third  and  seventh  year 
he  made  war  ou  Greece.*  The  clause  beginning 
with  Xin  (comp.  Gen.  ii.  11)  and  referring  us 
back — this  is  Ahasuerus  which  reigned 
from  India  even  unto  Ethiopia,  etc. — is  no 
doubt  intended  to  designate  Ahasuerus  more  dis- 
tinctly,f  but  at  the  same  time  to  make  known  his 
greatness  of  dominion  and  power.  Thus  the 
danger  that  threatened  the  Jews,  as  well  as  the 
elevation  of  Esther  and  Mordecai,  and  of  the  Jews 
through  these,  is  more  powerfully  brought  out. 
nil  stands  for  the  original  njil,  as  Hidku  in  the 
cuneiform  inscriptions  of  the  Persians  stands  for 
Bindhu  (in  Zend  and  Syrian  Ilendu),  and  is  there- 
fore India,  in  the  Sanscrit  Sindhu  which  is  really 
the  river  Indus,  then  the  inhabitants  along  the 
Indus,  and  at  last  the  land  of  the  Indus  (comp. 
Lassen,  Judische  Allherthumskunde,  I.,  p.  2);  so 
also  in  the  Vedas  Sapta  Sindhavas,  or  "the 
seven  streams,"  really  stand  for  India  (comp. 
Rodiger  in  Gesen.  Thesaurus,  Append,  p.  83). 
The  o  sound  in  nil,  and  the  tone  falling  on  the 
first  syllable  are  quite  remarkable,  but  perhaps 
only  a  provincialism.  Herodotus  testifies  to  the 
great  extension   of   the    Persian    empire    under 

*  [We  condense  the  following  summary  of  the  argu- 
ment on  the  identity  of  the  Ahasuerus  of  the  book  of 
Esther,  from  MeClintock  &  Strong's  Cyclop,  s.  v.  Ahasue- 
rus. "  From  the  extent  assigned  to  the  Persian  empire 
(Esth.  i.  1), '  from  India  even  unto  Ethiopia,'  it  is  proved 
that  Darius  Hystaspis  is  the  earliest  possible  king  to 
whom  this  history  can  apply,  and  it  is  hardly  worth 
while  to  consider  the  claims  of  any  after  Artaxerxes 
Longimanus.  But  Ahasuerus  cannot  be  identical  with 
Darius,  whose  wives  were  the  daughters  of  Cyrus  and 
I  ttanea,  and  who  in  name  and  character  equally  differs 
from  that  foolish  tyrant.  Josephus  {Ant.  XI.  ti,  \)  makes 
him  to  be  Artaxerxes  Longimanus;  but  as  his  twelfth 
year  I  Esth.  iii.  7)  would  fali  in  B.  C.  454.  or  144  years  af- 
ter  the  deportation  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  B.  C.598(Jer. 
hi.  28),  Mordecai,  who  was  among  those  captives  (Esth. 
ii.  6),  could  not  possibly  have  survived  to  this  time.  Be- 
sides, in  Ezra  vii.  1-7,  11-26,  Artaxerxes,  in  the  seventh 
year  of  his  reign,  issues  a  decree  very  favorable  to  the 
Jews,  and  it  is  unlikely,  therefore,  that  in  the  tuieUth 
(Esth.  iii.  7)  Haman  could  speak  to  him  of  them  as  [f  he 
knew  nothing  about  them,  and  persuade  him  to  sen- 
tence them  to  an  indiscriminate  massacre.  Nor  is  the 
disposition  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  as  given  by  Plu- 
tarch and  Diodorus  (XI.  71),  at  all  like  that  of  this  weak 
Ahasuerus.  It  therefore  seems  necessary  to  identify 
him  with  Xerxes,  whose  regal  state  and  affairs  tally 
with  all  that  is  here  said  of  Ahasuerus  (the  names  be- 
ing, as  we  have  seen,  identical)^  and  this  conclusion 
is  fortified  by  the  resemblance  of  character,  and  by  cer- 
tain chronological  indications  (see  Rawlinson's  Hist 
Evidences,  p.  150  sq.).  As  Xerxes  scourged  the  sea,  and 
put  to  death  the  engineers  of  his  bridge  because  their 
work  was  injured  by  a  storm,  so  Ahasuerus  repudiated 
his  queen,  Vashti,  because  she  would  not  violate  the  de- 
corum of  her  sex,  and  ordered  the  massacre  of  the  whole 
Jewish  people  to  gratify  t lie  malice  of  Haman.  In  the 
third  year  of  the  reign  of  Xerxes  was  held  an  assembly 
to  arrange  the  Grecian  war  {Herod.  VII.  7  aq.);  in  the 
third  year  of  Ahasuerus  was  held  a  great  feast  and  as- 
sembly in  Shushan  the  palace  (Esth.  i.  3).  In  the  se- 
venth year  of  his  reign  Xerxes  returned  defeated  from 
Greece,  and  consoled  himself  by  the  pleasures  of  the 
harem  {Herod.  IX.  108);  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  reiitn 
'fair  young  virgins  were  sought'  for  Ahasuerus,  and 
he  replaced  Vashti  by  marrying  Esther.  The  tribute  he 
'laid  upon  the  land  and  upon  the  isles  of  the  sea'  (Esth. 
x.  1)  may  well  have  been  the  result  of  the  expenditure 
and  ruin  of  the  Grecian  expedition." — Tr.] 

t  fThe  principal  purpose  of  this  clause  is  to  distin- 
guish the  Achashverosh  in  question  from  all  other  Per- 
sian monarchs  bearing  that  general  or  regal  title,  by  add- 
ing the  extent  of  his  dominion.  It  thus  becomes,  as 
was  evidently  intended,  an  important  chronological  da- 
tum.— Tr.] 


32 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


Xerxes,  and  in  chap.  xii.  9  he  says  that  Mardo- 
nius  reported  to  Xerxe3  that  the  Sacose  and  Assy- 
rians, as  well  as  the  Indians  and  ^Ethiopians,  had 
been  conquered.  See  also  vii.  97,  98,  and  viii. 
65,  69,  where  the  ^Ethiopians  and  Indians  are 
enumerated  as  being  under  tribute.  According 
to  Arrian,  Cyrus  extended  his  conquests  up  to 
India,  and  the  people  of  the  Acvaka  were  by  him 
made  to  pay  tribute.  Darius  added  still  greater 
parts  of  northwestern  India  to  the  Persian  em- 
pire (comp.  Duncker,  Gesch.  d.  Altherthums,  3d 
ed.,  II.,  page  4G8).  The  auxiliary  sentence:  A 
hundred  and  seven  and  twenty  provinces, 
is  merely  to  be  regarded  as  an  additional  sen- 
tence in  loose  apposition,  to  indicate  what  pro- 
vinces were  included  in  the  region  just  men- 
tioned. If  this  sentence  depended  upon  ^]7Bn. 
it  should  have  7J£  [or  3]  before  it.  According 
to  Herod.  III.  89  sqq.,  Darius  Hyst.  on  account 
of  the  raising  of  taxes  divided  the  empire  into 
twenty  apxal  which  were  termed  aarpamiiai.  A 
further  division  into  lesser  portions  was  not 
thereby  excluded  ;  with  so  many  petty  tribes  and 
peoples  this  came  as  a  matter  of  course.  So  there 
were  contained  in  the  fifth  satrapy  (comp.  He- 
rod. III.  91)  a  small  Jewish  people,  a  separate 
nno,  which  really  means  a  judicial  or  official 
circuit  (comp.  Ezra  ii.  1).  Our  127  provinces  re- 
mind us  of  the  120  Satraps  whom  Darius  the 
Mede  placed  over  his  empire  (Dan.  vi.  2). 

Ver.  2.  In  those  days,  when  the  king 
Ahasnerus  sat,  etc. — Sitting  is  a  posture  com- 
mon to  judges  and  kings,  but  more  particularly 
characteristic  of  the  kings  of  Persia.  The  Per- 
sian kings  are  always  painted  as  sitting  on  a 
throne  under  a  lofty  canopy.  This  is  true  of 
them  even  in  the  time  of  war,  and  in  their  jour- 
neys. Xerxes,  indeed,  was  present  in  the  bat- 
tles sitting;  thus  it  was  at  Thermopylae  accord- 
ing to  Herodotus  (VII.  102),  and  at  Salamis  ac- 
cording to  Plutarch  (Themistocl.  13).  See  also 
Baumgarten,  I.  c,  p.  85  sqq.  Which  was  in 
Shushan  the  palace. — He  had  a  royal  estab- 
lishment in  several  cities  ;  but  at  the  time  here 
referred  to  it  was  in  Shu9han,  which  was  his  fa- 
vorite winter  and  spring  residence  (comp.  Neh. 
i.  1)  jEschylus  calls  it  the  palace  ornate  with 
gold  of  the  Cissians,  and  Strabo  asserts  that 
every  Persian  king  built  his  own  palace  there. 
lloSo  was  in  use  in  later  language,  and  HZPpO 

in  earlier  times. 

Ver.  3.  In  the  third  year  of  his  reign  he 
made  a  feast,  etc. — All  his  princes  and  servants, 
for  whom  this  feast  was  made,  are  specified  as 
follows :  The  power  of  Persia  and  Media, 
the  nobles  and  princes  of  the  provinces 
(being)  before  him. — These  words  form  an  ex- 
planatory sentence,  and  assert  distinctly  that  all 
the  princes  and  servants  were  really  gathered 
around  Xerxes.  We  are  to  understand  by  the 
"  power,"  the  representatives  of  the  same,  who 
probably  consisted  of  the  body-guard  of  the  king, 
which  formed  the  flower  of  the  entire  army- 
power.  According  to  Herod.  VII.  40  sqq.,  this 
was  in  itself  sufficiently  large,  and  consisted  of 
two  thousand  pioked  horsemen,  two  thousand 
lancers,  and  ten  thousand  common  foot-soldiers. 
The  D'Oma,  who  are  mentioned  also  in  ohap. 


vi.  9,  and  Dan.  i.  3,  were  the  principes.  chief  men 
(in  Sanscrit  we  find  it  parthama  =  "  first ;"  in 
the  Behistun  Inscription/mtorea,  in  Pehlevi/>a»'- 
dom),  i.  e.,  the  magnates.  ["  It  is  a  superlative 
from  a  root  fra,  equivalent  to  the  Greek  7roo, 
"before."  —  Rawlinson].  The  princes  of  the 
provinces  are  the  Pashas  or  governors  of  those 
one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  provinces.  That 
013  is  more  correct   than   D"13   has   been  men- 

-T  .        T  T 

tioned  in  the  note  on  Ezra  i.  1. 

Ver.  4.  When  he  shewed  the  riches  of 
his  glorious  kingdom,  etc. —  Keil  connects 
these  words  with  toe  inserted  explanatory  sen- 
tence, "the  power  —  before  him,"  and  thus  he 
gets  the  sense,  not  that  the  feast  itself,  at  which 
Xerxes  showed  his  riches,  lasted  one  hundred 
and  eighty  days,  but  that  he  prepared  a  feast  for 
the  army  lasting  seven  days,  after  they  had 
viewed  his  riches  for  one  hundred  and  eighty 
days  (ver.  5).  But  the  connection  of  our  verse 
with  the  main  assertion  in  ver.  3:  "He  made  a 
feast "  is  much  closer  ;  as  may  be  seen  in  the 
fact  that,  nearly  all  exegetes  have  declared  them- 
selves for  this  rendering.  Something  again  dif- 
ferent seems  to  be  meant  in  the  seven  days'  feast 
of  ver.  5,  which  Xerxes  had  caused  to  be  made, 
not  for  the  array,  but  for  all  the  people  in  Shu- 
shan the  palace.  The  feast  during  a  hundred 
and  eighty  days  may  have  been  only  for  the 
purpose  of  consultation,  and  the  real  feast 
may  have  followed  in  the  seven  days  succeed- 
ing. Keil's  objection,  that  then  the  mention 
of  the  preceding  feast  of  a  hundred  and  eighty 
days  was  purposeless,  does  not  hold,  since 
the  fact  that  Xerxes  could  entertain  his  princes 
and  servants  bo  long,  i3  a  proof  also  to  the  read- 
er of  his  great  riches.  That  such  magnificent, 
long  and  great  feasts  were  very  popular  at  the 
Persian  court,  is  elsewhere  stated  (comp.  Dunc- 
ker, as  above,  p.  609  sqq.).  Herod,  vii.  8  in- 
forms us  that  after  the  re-subjection  of  Egypt, 
Xerxes  called  the  magnates  of  his  empire  to  Shu- 
shan, in  order  to  consult  with  them  in  reference 
to  the  campaign  against  Greece  ;  and  in  vii.  2, 
he  further  states  that  the  preparations  for  this 
undertaking  lasted  four  years.  Hence  the  as- 
sumption is  not  unfounded  that  in  these  long  as- 
semblages it  was  specially  designed  in  the  third 
year  to  counsel  together  regarding  the  war  with 
Greece.  This  is  the  more  evident  since  in  the 
inserted  clause  of  ver.  3  the  power  of  the  Medes 
and  Persians  is  prominently  stated.  If  Xerxes 
ascended  the  throne  in  the  year  B.  C.  486  then 
there  were  still  three  or  four  years  until  this 
happened.  There  were  three  years  until  the 
battle  of  Salamis  (480)  beginning  with  his  first 
year  of  empire.  Clericus  asserts  that  these 
princes  of  the  provinces  could  not  possibly  have 
remained  away  so  long  a  time  as  a  hundred  and 
eighty  days  from  their  provinces  and  govern- 
mental activity.  Hence  he  would  have  them  en- 
tertained one  after  the  other;  a  view  which  is 
without  foundation.  They  doubtless  had  subor- 
dinate officers,  who  ranked  high  enough  to  take 
their  places  for  one  half  year.* 


*  [""  We  are  not  obliged  to  suppose  that  all  or  any  of 
the  jcovarnors  were  present  'luring  the  whole  period  of 
festivity  Rather  we  mav  conclude  that  the  time  was 
extended  in  order  to  allow  of  the  different  persons 


CHAP.  I.  1-22. 


33 


Ver.  6  And  when  these  days  were  ex- 
pired, the  king  made  a  feast  to  all  the  peo- 
ple.— This  does  not,  as  Keii  would  have  it,  take 
up  the  third  verse  again,  but  forms  the  transi- 
tion from  the  counseling  to  the  purely  festive 
entertainment  to  which  the  king  invited  (in  ad- 
dition to  those  already  assembled  to  the  army 
and  great  rulers,  comp.  ver.  11)  all  the  people 
at  Sliushan  the  palace.  71X173  is  not  an  abstract 
form  with  an  infinitive  signification,  which  would 
properly   have  to  be  punctuated  thus  flXwO,  as 

are  V\2TJ,  Pipy  (comp.  Ewald,  \  239  a),  but  the 
1  stands  in  the  wrong  place  in  the  originally  de- 
fectively written  nN7!3  (comp.  Lev.  xii.  0),  in 
order  that  it  might  be  known  as  having  been 
added  later  (comp.  Joh.  xx.  22). — To  all  these 
people  who  were  invited,  belonged  also  the  lower 
classes  of  servants,  and  probably  the  common  in- 
habitants likewise,  as  is  evinced  by  the  phrase 
both  unto  great  and  small — from  the  highest, 
to  the  lowest.  But  these  were  only  the  male  po- 
pulation, as  is  shown  in  ver.  9.     In  reference  to 

D'Ni'Djn  cmp.  the  note  on  Ezra  viii.  25.    711.307, 
r  T  •  I 

with  7,  as  in  2  Chron.  xv.  13  ;  without  it  1  Sam. 
xxx.  19. — In  the  court  of  the  garden  of  the 
king's  palace. — 17V3  for  JV3  occurs  often  in  our 
book,  but  is  found  connected  with  P-jli  as  also  in 
chap.  vii.  7.  The  kingly  palace  or  series  of 
houses  was  situated,  in  Oriental  manner,  as  is 
customary  also  to-day,  in  a  large  park(Xenoph. 
Cyrop.  I.  3,  12,  14). 

Ver.  6.  The  language  describing  the  court  of 
the  garden  where  this  entertainment  took  place, 
i.  e.,  the  tent-like,  enclosed,  and  covered  space 
of  the  park,  specially  prepared  for  this  festive 
occasion,  and  likewise  the  entertainment  itself  in 
vers.  7,  8,  must  be  understood  as  explained  by 
the  exclamat  ions  of  wonder,  white,  green,  and 
blue  (hangings),  etc.,  these  latter  being  em- 
ployed as  coverings,  lit!  designates  the  white 
cloths  as  to  color,  not  as  to  a  certain  quality  of 

oloth;  from  ITl,  to  be  white.     D313,  occurring  in 

-t  t  :  - 

the  Sanscrit,  Pers.,  Armen.,  and  Arab.,  corre- 
sponds to  the  Greek  Kaprranoc;  designating  cotton 
cloth;  and.  because  of  the  two  preceding  and 
corresponding  words,  a  splendid  parti-colored 
fabric.  rf?3n  is  the  glistening  blue-black  hya- 
cinth color,  and  here  means  any  kind  of  cloth 
which  bad  this  particular  hue.  White  and  blue 
were,  according  to  Curtius  VI.  6,  4,  the  regal 
colors  of  Persia  (comp.  also  Duncker,  as  above,  pp. 
891  and  951 ).     These  cloths  were  held  fast  (WIN) 

'  T 

with  cords  to  rings,  and  by  these  to  the  pillars  * 
The  last  words:  The  beds  (divans)  were  of 
gold  and  silver  (lying)  upon  a  pavement 
of  red  and  blue,  and  -white  and  black 
marble,  etc.,  describe  the  seats  for  the  guests. 


making  their  appearance  at  the  court  successively." 
Rawlinson.— Tr.J 

*  [*'  Nothing  could  he  more  appropriate  than  this 
method  at  Susa  and  Persepolis,  the  spring  residences 

of  the  Persian  monarehs A  massive  roof,  covering 

the  whole  expanse  of  columns,  would  be  too  cold  and 
dismal;  whereas  curtains  around  the  central  croup 
would  serve  to  admit  both  light  and  warmth."  Lorros. 
-Tb.1 


Gold  and  silver  here  mean  the  cloths,  which 
were  woven  with  gold  and  silver  threads. 
Hence  they  were  brocades  with  which  these  di- 
vans were  covered.  But  they  lay  upon  PISJH, 
Sept.  em  Xt-doarpurov,  a  tessellated  (mosaic)  floor- 
ing, which  was  formed  of  various  kinds  of  stones. 
On3,  in  Arab.,  a  false  stone,  accords  to  the  Sept., 
auapayMrrjc,  a  stone  of  a  green  color,  similar  to 
the  emerald  (smaragth),  is  perhaps  malachite  or 
serpentine.  Viti  is  white  marhle;  "n,  in  Arab. 
durum  and  darratun,  pearl,  is,  according  to  the 
Sept.,  ttivvlvoc  /Ui^oc,  a  stone  similar  to  pearl,  per- 
haps mother  of  pearl.  T\"VC\p  (from  "HID—  "in$, 
dark),  is  very  likely  black  marble,  with  scuti- 
form  spots.* 

Ver.  7.  And  they  gave  (them)  drink  in 
vessels  of  gold — This  actually  occurred,  or 
was  seen  transpiring.  Dlpjyn,  Infin.  Hiph.,  is 
a  substantive  here.  The  vessels  being  di- 
verse one  from  another,  i.  e  ,  very  different 
drinking-vessels  were  in  service.  According  to 
Xenoph.  Cyrop.  VIII.  8,  18,  these  constituted  an 
essential  part  of  Persian  luxury.  And  royal 
wine,  i.  e.,  such  as  was  drunk  from  the  royal 
vaults,  as  especially  costly,  perhaps  coming  from 
Chalybon,  which  it  was  usual  for  Persian  kings 
to  drink  (comp.  Ez.  xxvii.  18).  In  abundance, 
according  to  the  state  of  the  king. — T3, 
according  to  the  hand^power  of  the  king,  means 
that  the  great  quantity  did  honor  to  the  power 
of  the  king,  or  that  it  corresponded  to  the  ability 
and  riches  of  the  king  (comp.  chap.  ii.  18;  1 
Kings  x.  13;  also  Neh.  ii.  8). 

Ver.  8.  And  the  drinking  was — i.  e.,  went 
on— according  to  the  law  (custom);  none 
did  compel,  etc.  J1"13  hardly  means  a  law 
enacted  for  this  special  occasion ;  for  this  pur- 
pose the  expression  would  be  too  general; — but 
as  custom,  especially  Persian  royal  etiquette  re- 
quired. This  means,  not  moderately  (as  Cleri- 
cus, — moralizing  was  not  here  intended),  but  on 
the  contrary  that  the  guests  in  a  courageous  and 
vigorous  carousing  should  show  their  apprecia- 
tion of  the  liberal  hospitality  of  the  kiug,  and 
at  the  same  time  evince  their  ability  to  do  some- 
thing in  their  drinking  worthy  of  the  royal  table. 
The  Greeks  knew  how  to  do  justice  to  hospitality 
(see  Baumgarten,  p.  12  sq.).  While  m  was  held 
to  be  a  special  law  made  for  this  occasion,  it  was 
thought  that  its  substance  was  contained  in 
OJK  j'X,  DJN  being  taken  in  the  sense  of  urging. 
The  meaning  is  that  the  drinking  was  not  to 
occur,  as  was  usually  the  case,  in  compliance 
with  the  wishes  or  encouragements  of  the  court 
officers.  In  contrast  with  the  customary  exces- 
sive drinking,  because  of  too  frequent  urging, 
this  should  remain  free  to  all  to  remain  sober. 
While  the  Septuagint,  in  a  free  rendering,  has 

joined  D3X  TK  with  DT3  (oi>  Kara  TrpoKetpevov 
vipov),  the  Vulgate  has  it  thus:   "A'cc  erat,  qui 

*  [Herodotus  mentions  (IX.  80-S21  the  immense  quan- 
tin  -  of  gold  and  silver  vessels  of  various  kinds — wnich 
we  know  from  the  monuments  were  of  the  most  elegant 
style  and  costly  ornamentation — together  with  couches 
and  tables  of  the  precious  metals,  besides  various  co- 
lored awnings  inapaneTdiJ.aT*),  which  Xerxes  carried  with 
him  on  his  expedition  to  Greece.— Tb.] 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


nolentes  cogere  ad  bibendum."  But  the  true  in- 
terpretation of  the  phrase  evidently  is  as  already 
indicated;  every  one  having  entire  liberty  to 
drink  of  the  wine,  without  urging.  The  whole 
tone  of  the  passage  expresses  abundance  and 
luxuriance:  yet  we  need  not  make  "urging" 
out  of  DJX,  but  rather  "creating  a  real  neces- 
sity, preparing  difficulty,  standing  in  the  way  in 
a  preventive  minner."  In  Dan.  iv.  6,  at  least, 
it  has  this  signification.  It  may  possibly  he  an 
additional  form  for  CMX  (Hitzig  on  Ez.  xxiv.  17). 
At  any  rate  it  frequently  stands  in  the  Targums 
for  the  Heb.  SlJ.  pBty  and  j>2n.  That  no  one 
should  hinder  another  in  drinking  must  have 
been  self-evident  and  understood  at  a  decently- 
conducted  feast.  But  here  it  is  stated  :  For  so 
the  king  had  appointed  to  all  the  officers 
of  his  house;  here  not  our  own,  but  Persian 
customs,  give  the  key.  Besides  there  is  a  nega- 
tive hindrance  in  drinking,  which  obtains  even 
among  us,  aud  which  would  aeem  to  have  been 
necessary  in  a  company  where  high  and  low 
mingled  together,  namely  that  of  not  so  fre- 
quently filling  the  cups.  ID'  means,  as  it  does 
in  1  Chron.  ix.  22,  arranging  (ordering).  With 
h]}  it  is,  first  of  all,  giving  orders  in  reference  to 
or  for  some  one.  Jl'lU-^!  =  the  chief  of  the 
house,  i.  e.,  court-officer. 

Vers.  9-12.  The  Queen's  Banquet,  and  her  Refu- 
sal to  appear  in  the  Royal  Presence. — The  festival 
of  the  king  went  hand  in  hand  with  that  of  the 
queen,  which  doubtless  was  intended  to  bring 
into  view  at  the  name  time  the  royal  majesty  and 
magnificence.  Usually  the  queen  ate  with  her 
husband  (see  Herod.  IX.  110),  and  even  in  greater 
feasts  she  was  not  under  all  circumstances  ex- 
cluded, as  is  proved  by  the  reference  to  Lucian 
by  Brissonius,  De  regio  Pcrx.  princ.  I.,  c.  103.  At 
this  time  she  was  compelled  to  remain  away,  since 
Bhe  also  gave  entertainment  to  the  ladies.  To 
permit  the  participation  of  women  in  all  the  feasts 
of  the  men  would  certainly  not  have  been  very 
desirable,  since  it  was  a  mixed  company. 

Ver.  9.  The  name  Vashli,  'ly^l-  has  probably  a 
connection  with  the  Old-Persian  vahista  ("the 
best"),  or  with  the  related  behisht  ("paradisi- 
acus ");  comp.  Pott,  Ueber  alt-pers.  Eigennamcnt 
in  the  Zeitschrift.  d.  D.  M.  G.,  1859.  p.  388.  In 
modern  Persian  Vashti  signifies  a  beautiful  woman. 
Vashti  gave  the  feast  to  the  ladies  in  the  king's 
palace, i.  e.,  either  in  her  own  apartments,  which 
also  were  in  the  royal  residence,  or  in  some  other 
dwellings  there  which  were  placed  at  her  dis- 
posal for  this  festive  occasion.* 

Ver.  10.  On  the  seventh  day,  as  the  last 
of  the  feast,  in  which  perhaps  there  was  the 
greatest  joviality.  'When  the  heart  of  the 
king  was  merry  with  wine,  i.  e.,  well  dis- 

*  ("If  the  Ahasuorus  of  Esther  is  rightly  identified 
with  Xerxes,  Vashti  should  be  Amestris,"  whom  the 
Greeks  regard  as  the  only  legitimate  wife  of  that  mo- 
narch, and  who  was  certainly  married  to  him  before  he 
ascended  the  throne.  In  that  case  the  name  may  be 
explained  either  by  corruption  of  Amestris,  or  as  a 
title ;  and  it  may  be  supposed  that  the  disgrace  recorded 
was  only  temporary;  Amestris  in  the  latter  part  of 
Xerxes'  reign  recovering  her  former  dignity.  Raw- 
LiNsoN. — Ta.T 


posed,  happy  (31B3,  as  in  2  Sam.  xiii.  18;  Judg. 
xvi.  25;  3'1B  is  the  infin.  constr.  Kal,  with  an  in- 
l  ransitive  signification ),  would  grant  a  still  greater 
favor  to  his  guests,  and  one  too  which  be  would 
not  have  been  willing  to  grant  in  a  more  sober 
mood.  He  turned  to  the  seven  eunuchs  that 
served  before  him,  'JiJTlX,  together  with  r\"V2, 
as  in  1  Sam.  ii.  18.  Their  names  signify  nothing 
for  the  present  purpose;  and  there  are  no  certain 
data  for  their  interpretation.*  But  our  author 
names  them  because  they  were  transmitted  to 
him,  and  in  order  that  the  historical  character 
of  his  narrative  may  be  strengthened  thereby. 
Certain  it  is,  they  were  the  medium  between  the 
king  and  the  ladies.  They  were  to  transmit  tho 
commands  of  the  former  to  the  latter.  Their 
number,  seven,  has  close  connection  with  that  of 
the  Amshaspands.  This  number  was  peculiarly 
sacred  to  the  Persians,  see  ver.  14. 

Ver.  11.  They  were  to  bring  the  queen  in  the 
regal  crown,  **{}2,  nifiapic  or  ni-aptc,  i.  e.,  in  a 
high,  pointed  turban,  and  consequently  bring 
her  in  her  entire  royal  apparel,  in  order  to  show 
her  beauty  to  the  prince,  as  well  as  to  the  entire 
people,  of  whom  at  least  there  were  representa- 
tives present.  Xerxes  was  desirous  of  glory,  not 
only  because  of  his  riches,  but  also  because  of 
his  beautiful  wife.t 

Ver.  12.  But  the  queen  Vashti  refused  to 

come. — Ij/'DH  1313  here  has  reference  to  the 
word  of  the  king,  as  in  chap.  iii.  15:  viii.  14;  1  Ki. 
xiii.  1,  8.  By  (his)  chamberlains,  i.  e.,  which 
was  brought  to  her  in  a  formal  manner,  and 
which  therefore  ought  to  have  been  obeyed  all 
the  more  (comp.  ver.  15).  Persian  etiquette 
gave  to  ladies,  and  especially  to  the  queen,  a  cer- 
tain reserve,  and  this  under  all  circumstances. 
It  was  regarded  as  something  unheard  of  if  the 
queen  appeared  in  public  unveiled.  But  here, 
where  there  was  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  she 
should  become  the  gazing-stock  of  a  drunken 
company,  that,  so  to  speak,  she  should  make  a 
show  of  herself  to  the  lascivious  eyes  of  so  many 
— according  to  the  extremely  literal  view  of  the 
Targums,  she  was  to  appear  naked — she  had  a 
right,  indeed  she  was  compelled  to  guard  and 
keep  in  mind  her  dignity.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  as  the  queen  she  was  safe  from  such  shame- 
less proceedings  as  Herodotus  (ver.  18)  relates 
of  Persian  foreign  ministers.  But  instead  of 
being  rejoiced  at  the  modesty  of  his  queen  the 
king  felt  deeply  humbled  in  the  eyes  of  those  to 
whom  he  would  have  shown  himself  in  his  high- 
est glory.  It  is  possible,  and  even  probable,  that 
a  well-known  self-assertion  of  Vashti  had  some- 
thing to  do  in  the  matter.  But  this  we  need  not 
necessarily  assume  in  connection  with  his  pecu- 
liar character  in  order  to  explain  his  wrath. 
Pride  and  self-exaltation  perhaps  so  blinded  him 

*  ["These  names,  being  those  of  eunuchs,  are  not  un- 
likely to  be  of  foreign  origin.  They  have  generally  but 
little  resemblance  to  known  Persian  names.''  Ra^- 
linso.v. — Tr.  ] 

f  i  "It  has  been  said  that  this  is  invariable,  and  indi- 
cates an  ignorance  of  Persian  customs  on  the  part  ot  the 
author.  But  even  De  Wette  allows  that  such  an  act  is 
not  out  of  harmony  with  the  character  of  Xerxes  \E<«- 
Irihmg,  \  198.  a.  note  6c  and  it  is  evidently  related  as 
something  strange  and  unusual.  Otherwise  the  queen 
would  not  have  refused  to  come."  Rawlixson.— Tk.] 


CHAP.  I.  1-22. 


that  lie  did  not  dream  of  such  a  rebuff.  Per- 
haps, loo,  she  might  have  found  some  way,  had 
she  been  wise,  in  whioh  without  compromising 
herself  she  might  have  rendered  obedience.  But 
however  bad  (he  fact,  the  unfavorable  light  does 
not  fall  on  her,  but  upon  the  king.  He  appears 
so  thoughtless  that  one  is  quite  prepared  to  expect 
still  other  rash  and  inconsiderate  acts  from  him. 
Vers.  13-15.  The  King's  Inquiry. — When  the 
king  said  to  the  wise  men,  which  knew 
the  times. — To  know  the  times  means  to  judge 
the  times  as  did  the  astrologers  and  magicians, 
according  to  the  heavenly  phenomena,  and  to 
give  counsel  corresponding  thereto,  (comp.  Dan. 
ii.  27  ;  v.  15  ;  Isa.  xliv.  25 ;  xlvii.  13  ;  Jer.  1.  35). 
But  it  also  means  in  a  general  sense  to  be 
learned;  for  according  to  the  expressions  follow- 
ing, these  wise  men  were  likewise  those  skilled 
in  the  law.  For  so,  adds  the  author,  ('was) 
the  king's  manner  toward  all  that  knew 

law  and  judgment. — }^n  "U?  c'oes  not  here 
mean  the  word  of  the  king,  for  then  we  might  ex- 
pect, instead  of  \337>  a  preposition  expressive 
of  direction;  but  it  is  a  matter  of  the  king,  i.  e., 
all  that  relates  to  the  king,  or  what  he  under- 
takes. 

Ver.  14.  And  the  next  to  him  or  standing 
nearest  to  him. — thus  the  explanation  becomes 
clear,  were  Carshena,  Shethar,  etc. — There 
is  no  doubt  that  all  seven  should  be  named  as 
standing  before  the  king,  and  not  the  first  only.* 
The  sing.  l'Ss  D^pll  has  application  to  the  se- 
cond and  third  no  less  than  to  the  first,  and  is, 
therefore,  equal  to  a  neuter  plural.  The  sense, 
however,  is  clear.  By  these  words,  the  wise 
were  meant,  the  chief  persons,  who  during  and 
after  consultation  were  to  have  a  word  before  the 
king  in  this  matter.  The  clause  which  saw 
the  king's  face,  expresses  their  intimate  rela- 
tion to  the  king,  and  their  great  and  high  pre- 
ference in  an  especially  significant  manner,  since 
the  approach  to  the  king  was  very  difficult.  The 
seven  princes  that  had  conspired  against  the 
Pseudo-Smerdis  had  a  perfect  understanding  that 
it  should  be  permitted  them  to  enter  at  any  time 
into  the  presence  of  the  king,  who  had  been 
elected  from  their  midst,  and  that,  too,  without 
previous  announcement  (see  Herod,  iii.  84).  But 
that  these  princes  themselves  formed  the  court 
either  before  or  after  the  event  spoken  of  here, 
although  mentioned  "  as  the  seven  princes  of  the 
Medes  and  Persians,"  is  not  to  be  assumed. 
Those  seven  before  mentioned  did  not,  as  did 
these,  belong  to  the  learned  class,  to  the  selected 
counsellors  of  the  king,  although  they  had  inter- 
course with  the  king.  These  were  the  seven  su- 
preme counsellors  (comp.  Ezra  vii.  11),  who 
formed  a  complement  to  the  seven  Amshaspands.  f 


*  ["These  name?  have  a  general  Persian  east,  though 
they  are  difficult  of  identification.  They  have  probably 
suffered  to  some  extent  for  corruption  (i.e.,  transcrip- 
tion into  Hebrew);  and  perhaps  they  were  not  even  at 
first  very  close  to  the  Persian  originals.  In  Marsena  we 
may  perhaps  recognize  the  famous  Mardonius,  and  in 
Admatha  Xerxes'  uncle,  Artabanus."  Rawlixsok. — Tr.1 

t  ["According  to  Herodotus  (ITT.  84\  there  were  seven 
families  of  the  first  rank  in  Percia,  from  which  alone 
the  king  would  take  his  wives.  Their  chiefs  were  en- 
titled to  have  free  access  to  the  king's  person.  The  Be- 
histun  Inscription,  which  gives  Darius  six  coadjutors 


The  number  seven,  which  is  retained  by  the  Per- 
sians in  vcr.  5,  and  again  in  chap.  ii.  9,  was  ori- 
ginally instituted  because  of  the  seven  planets, 
or  the  weekly  cycle,  or  finally  with  regard  to  the 
seven  Amshaspands.  Perhaps  its  being  composed 
of  the  numbers  three  and  four  gave  it  significance. 
rUt^N")  D'3B'"n,  first  z=prending ;  is,  first  of  all,  to 
preside,  constituting  the  highest  authority.  The 
feminine  DJ'"80  is    a  substitute   for  the  adverb 

T 

(comp.  Gen.  xxxiii.  2;   Num.  ii.  9). 

Ver.  15.  First,  here,  the  discourse  of  the  king 
follows.  They  are  asked  :  'What  shall  we  do 
unto  the  queen  Vashti  according  to  law  ? 
PT\2  is  expressly  prefixed  here,  and  that  without 
the  article;  hence,  legally  Because  she  hath 
not  performed  the  commandment  of  the 
king  Ahasuerus. — Thus  the  king  expresses 
himself,  instead  of  simply  saying:  my  word; 
since  this  was  just  the  matter  that  came  into  con- 
sideration, that  it  was  the  king's  word.  For  the 
rest  comp.  ver.  12  and  notes. 

Vers.  16-20.  The  Courtier's  Reply. — Memu- 
can,  although  last  mentioned  among  the  seven, 
is  spokesman,  doubtless  after  the  wise  men  had 
had  a  consultation.  For  [3013  is  here  the  same 
as  J31DO  in  ver.  14,  as  is  shown  by  the  Keri. 
The  assumption  is  natural  that  the  Scriptio  defec- 
tiva  was  really  employed,  and  that  the  1  was 
added  later  by  the  Masoretes.  This  is  evident, 
further,  iu  ver.  5,  where  the  full  form  is  distin- 
guished as  having  been  added  by  them  at  the 
wrong  place.  Feuardent  thinks  that,  accord- 
ing to  a  more  general  custom,  the  last  of  the  seven 
responded  first  "  lest  he  might  seem  to  say  aught 
in  view  of  the  favor  and  protection  of  the  chiefs 
and  elders,  but  on  the  contrary  out  of  mere 
liberty,  and  the  full  determination  of  his  own  will 
and  judgment."  But  Memucan  seems  to  have 
spoken  first  not  only  here,  but  also  above  ;  hence 
he  seems  to  have  been  chairman  (spokesman). 
He  judges  the  offense  of  the  queen  very  strictly 
in  order  to  justify  a  severe  verdict.  But  he  also 
correctly  premises  that  the  offenses  of  persons 
high  in  office,  on  account  of  the  influence  which 
their  examples  will  have,  are  punishable  in  a 
very  high  degree.  Vashti  the  queen  hath 
not  done  wrong  to   the   king   only,  etc. — 

n\l>   with  IjI  occurs  only  here.* 

Ver.  17.  For  (this)  deed  of  the  queen 
shall  come  abroad  to  all  women. — Xj"  with 

TT 

7£,  usually  with  ~7S.     They  shall  despise, 

properly,  make  them  to  despise,  their  husbands 

in  their  eyes. — those  that  despise  are  of  coursj 

the  wives,  as  is  clear  from   the  connection   with 

□  "1DN3.     The  masc.  form  of  the  suffix  is  subjti- 
t  t   t  : 

tuted  for  the  fern.  form. 

Ver.  18.  (Likewise)  shall  the  ladies  of 
Persia  and  Media  say  this  day  unto  all 
the  king's  princes,     run  QV7\   is  used  in  its 

in  his  conspiracy,  confirms  the  Greek  writer."  Rawlin- 

BOS.— Tb.] 

*  C"  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  judgment  delivered 
by  Memucan  was  one  of  condemnation'  for  it  was  rarely 
indeed  that  any  Persian  su'jeet  ventured  to  offer  op- 
position to  the  mildest  caprine  or  to  the  most  extrava- 
gant whim  of  the  monarch.  (See  Herodotus  III.  3L 
35j."  Rawlinsox. — Ta.j 

13 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


direct  meaning.  What  the  speaker  means  to  say 
is,  as  regards  the  rest  of  the  lower  women,  who  were 
referred  to  in  ver.  17.  It  may  take  a  long  (ime 
before  the  new  law  of  the  court  shall  have  come 
to  the  knowledge  of  all,  because  some  will  hear 
of  it  later.  But  the  princesses  who  live  at  the 
court  and  who  have  immediate  news  of  Vashti's 
couduct,  will  relate  what  has  been  indicated  in 
ver.  17.  After  njlOXJI  the  same  sentence  is  to 
be  understood  as  follows  :  D10N3  in  ver.  17  ;  for 
the  last  words  of  the  verse  :  Thus  (shall  there 
arise)  too  much  contempt  and  ■wrath,  can- 
not be  construed  into  the  definition  of  an  object 
in  view,  as  Bertheau  would  have  it,  as  if  the  1 
stood  before  '13  only  as  an  attachment  to  the 
long  phrase,  but  these  form  a  separate  sentence. 
The  predicate ;  thus  there  shrill  arise,  must  be  sup- 
plied. 'J2,  really  for  a  sufficiency,  is  by  litotes,  e. 
g.,  "  more  than  enough." 

Ver.  19  This  contains  the  verdict. — If  it 
please  the  king,  let  there  go  a  royal  com- 
mandment from  him. — i'J   310  occurs  often 

in  our  book  as  also  in  Neh.  ii.  5.  JIO/!?  "^Sli  a 
word  of  the  kingdom  or  a  king's  word  (comp.  ver. 
8),  hence  first  of  all  a  royal  order.  And  let  it 
be  written  among  the  laws  of  the  Persians 
and  the  Medes,  that  it  be  not  altered,  i.  e., 
let  it  have  express  legal  authority,  so  that  it  must 
rpmain  unaltered  (comp.  Dan.  vi.  9).*  That 
Vashti  come  no  more  before  king  Ahasu- 
erus ;  and  let  the  king  give  her  royal  es- 
tate unto  another  that  is  better  than  she. 

— 11073  =  roSarD  (comp.   ver.   2),   royal  state, 

:  -  t  t  :  -    v 

royal  government,  here  means  royal  highness,  dig- 
nity, nni.JH  —  her  female  companions.  310,  as  to 
its  connections,  is  especially  referable  to  obedi- 
ence. It  may  be  that  Vashti  was  hated  as  being 
a  proud,  assuming  person.  But  the  severity  of 
the  sentence  against  her  is  explainable  also  in 
this,  that  there  remained  no  alternative  to  the 
judges  either  to  declare  her  innocent,  which,  a^ 
respects  Ahasuerus,  they  could  not  do,  or  to  make 
her  for  ever  harmless.  Even  if  she  had  again 
obtained  an  influence  with  the  king,  they  would 
have  had  to  expect  her  wrath. 

Ver.  20.  We  here  notice  the  consequence  of 
the  decree  of  the  king. — And  when  the  king's 
decree,  which  he  shall  make,  shall  be  pub- 
lished— all  the  wives  shall  give  to  their 
husbands  honour,  etc.  The  predicate  J?Ot^J 
is  chosen,  since  it.  makes  a  presupposition  for  the 
13IT  which  is  expressed.  It  is  first  of  all  neuter : 
when  it  shall  be  published  (heard).  DJfljp,  as  in 
Ezra  iv.  17.  ntyjr_  IB'X  may  mean:  which  he 
shall  execute,  inasmuch  as  this  decree  would  be 
sanctioned  by  the  example  of  the  king  himself; 
otherwise:  which  he  shall  decree.  Memucan  re- 
minds him  of  the  greatness  of  the  empire,  since 

*  ["The  theoretical  inviolability  of  the  laws  of  the 
Persians  is  often  touched  on  by  Ihe  Oreek  writers. 
Practically  the  monarch,  if  he  chose,  could  always  dis- 
pense with  the  law.  It  was  therefore  quite  within  his 
power  to  restore  Vashti  to  her  queenly  dignity,  notwith- 
standing the  present  decree,  if  he  so  pleased."  Raw- 
mnson— Tr.] 


the  success  of  the  punishment  and  its  importance 
is  connected  with  it.     Vnjp/,  as  in  ver.  5. 

Vers.  21,  22.  The  Decree  Issued.  The  king  ac- 
cepts the  proifered  counsel  and  rejects  Vashti: 
indeed  he  does  even  more.  In  order  that  her 
punishment  may  become  as  well-known  as  her 
offense,  he  sends  letters  into  all  the  provinces;* 
and  in  order  that  these  may  be  intelligible,  he 
writes  according  to  the  language  of  f  very  pro- 
vince, and  to  every  people  in  their  own  lan- 
guage.f  That  every  man  should  bear  rule 
in  his  own  house,  and  that  it  should  be 
published  according  to  the   language  of 

every  people. — flVrn  does  not  really  indicate 
the  substance  of  what,  was  written — this  consists 
of  the  rejection  of  Vashti  and  the  reasons  there- 
for— but  only  its  aim.  Yet  this  object,  strange 
as  it  may  have  sounded,  has  nevertheless 
received  sufficient  prominence.  Feuardent 
thinks  that  the  edict  may  be  explained  on  the 
ground  that  there  was  too  much  petticoat  go- 
vernment in  Persia.  But  there  exists  no  proof 
of  such  an  assertion.  It  is  true,  in  chap.  v.  10, 
that  Haman  drew  his  wife  into  the  council  of 
consultation,  but  his  friends  first.  It  may  he 
asked,  what  is  the  sense  and  connection  of  the 
phrase,  and  (it)  should  be  published  ac- 
cording to  the  language  of  every  people. 
Older  commentators  and  also  Keil  find  therein 
only  a  command,  that  a  man  in  his  own  house 
should  speak  his  own  native  language.  Hence 
if  he  was  possessed  of  one  or  more  foreign  wives, 
who  spoke  a  different  language,  they  should  be 
compelled  to  learn  his  language  and  speak  only 
in  it.  Thereby  the  man  was  to  show  his  autho- 
rity as  master  of  his  own  house. J  But  if  we  ap- 
prehend this  decree  in  such  a  general  manner,  it 
would  not  only  have  been  a  very  peculiar,  but 
also  a  separate  edict,  and  it  would  apply  in  fact 
to  the  rejection  of  queen  Vashti,  neither  in  its 
object,  nor  yet  in  its  communication.  It  might 
much  belter  have  read  thus,  "  that  the  wives 
speak  the  language  of  their  husbands'  people." 
Hence  Bertheau,  according  to  Hitzig's  advice, 
changed  V3£  {"IB'Ss  to  i"3£  nvtf-Sa :  (andtvery 
one)  shall  speak  what   to  him  is   appropriate ;  but 

*  ["The  Persian  system  of  post?  is  described  with 
some  minuteness  both  bv  Herodot.  (VIII.  9S)  and  Xeno- 
phon  (Curop.  VIII.  f>).  The  incidental  notices  in  this 
Book  (see  chaps.  III.  12-l.r>;  VIII.  9-14)  are  in  entire  har- 
mony with  the  accounts  of  the  classical  writers.  Hero- 
dotus describes  the  system  as  in  full  operation  under 
Xerxes."  Rawlinson. — Tr..] 

i  [The  practice  of  the  Persians,  to  address  proclama- 
tions to  the  subject-nations  in  their  own  speech,  and  not 
merely  in  the  language  of  the  conqueror,  is  illustrated 
by  the  bilingual  and  trilingual  inscriptions  of  the  Aeh- 
remonian  monarchs,  from"  Cyrus  to  Artaxerxes  Ochus. 
each  inscription  being  of  the  nature  of  a  proclamation." 
Rawlinson  — Tr.] 

1  ["This  decree  has  been  called  'absurd'  and  'quite 
unnecessary  in  Persia"  (Davidson).  If  the  criticism 
«  re  allowed,  it  would  be  sufficient  to  observe  that  many 
absurd  things  were  done  by  Xerxes  (see  Herod.  VII. 
3",;  IX.  108-111).  But  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the 
decree  was  unnecessary.  The  undue  influence  of  women 
in  domestic,  and  even  in  public  affairs,  is  a  feature  of 
the  ancient  Persian  monarchy.  Herodotus  tells  us  that 
Alesia-  completely  ruled'  Darius  (VII.,  3).  Xerxes  him- 
self was.  in  his  later  years,  shamefully  subject  to  Ames- 
Iris  uli.  IX.,  111).  The  example  of  tlie  court  would  na- 
turillv  infect  the  people.  The  decree, therefore, would 
seem  "to  have  been  not  so  much  an  idle  and  superfluous 
net  as  an  ineffectual  protest  against  a  real  and  growing 
evil."  Rawlinson.— Tr.] 


CHAP.  I.  1-22. 


37 


this  would  introduce  a  thought  foreign  to  the 
Bubject,  and  besides  niC  according  to  chap.  iii. 
8,  should  have  7  before  it.  Perhaps  the  mean- 
ing is  this:  that  he  speak,  etc.,  in  short,  that  he 
li^ve  the  right  to  use  his  people's  language  in  his 
own  house,  even  though  he  have  a  foreign  wife  ; 
moreover  that  it  is  obligatory  upon  his  wife  to 
so  far  learn  t  lie  language  of  her  husband  that  she 
may  understand  the  orders  he  may  give  in  it. 
This  phrase  receives  further  light  from  the  con- 
sequence which  would  follow  upon  the  usurpa- 
tion of  the  wife,  since  she  would  then  compel  her 
husband  to  learn  her  own  language. 

DOCTRINAL  AND   ETHICAL. 

On  vers.  1-12.  1.  Ever  and  anon  the  question 
arises,  whether  there  is  not  upon  earth  some- 
where, a  condition  of  true  satisfaction  and  un- 
clouded happiness.  One  very  much  desires  such 
a  state  of  things,  and  one  is  tempted  to  believe 
it  especially  when  regard  is  had  to  the  most 
beautiful  dreams  of  the  past,  which  had  the  ap- 
pearance of  bright  promises.  But  this  is  not  all. 
In  spite  of  all  assurances  and  experiences  to  the 
contrary,  one  is  ever  inclined  to  think  that  the 
world,  and  especially  its  lords,  could  give  an 
affirmative  answer  to  our  question. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  our  book  there  is  un- 
folded to  our  eyes  a  picture  full  of  riches  and 
affluence,  full  of  splendor  and  glory.  Whatever 
is  beautiful  to  look  upon,  whatever  is  enjoyable 
to  the  taste,  whatever  could  rejoice  the  heart  and 
elevate  the  soul,  is  here  combined.  A  ruler, 
whose  height  of  power  leaves  hardly  anything  to 
be  desired,  who  has  united  under  his  sceptre  the 
most  powerful,  the  richest,  and  most  celebrated 
nations,  from  India  to  ^Ethiopia,  has  called  to- 
gether the  chief  men  of  the  various  countries, 
and  they  are  gathered  around  him  in  the  beauti- 
fully situated  and  magnificently  built  city  of  the 
lilies,  the  most  beautiful  of  all  Persian  resi- 
dences (comp.  Neh.  i.  1),  there  to  revel  in  luxury 
and  enjoyment.  He,  it.  seems,  is  happy  to  be 
their  ruler,  and  they  are  happy  as  his  sub- 
jects. At  the  same  time  the  women  are  also 
called  to  this  festive  enjoyment.  The  higher 
in  station  mingle  on  equal  terms  with  those 
lower,  and  all  celebrate  and  enjoy  the  occasion 
together.  It  seems  as  if  every  one  must  feel 
happy  in  his  place.  Yet  the  old  adage  asserts 
itself  that  the  world,  the  rich,  the  high,  the  proud 
world  possesses  least  of  that  which  we  here  seek. 
It  may  be  slid,  indeed,  of  this  world  alone,  that 
it  passes  away  with  all  its  pleasures,  and  that  its 
apparent  wealth  at  last  becomes  sheer  poverty. 
Ahasuerus,  who  is  admired  because  of  his  great- 
ness and  lauded  as  happy  by  so  many,  is  deeply 
humiliated ;  a  woman  dares  to  defy  his  command, 
and  his  joy  is  changed  to  anger  and  chagrin. 
Again,  all  the  efforts  that  he  makes  to  remove 
the  object  of  his  disappointment  serve  but  to 
complete  his  misfortune.  However  widely  and 
effectually  his  power  maybe  felt,  he  is  still  only 
a  man,  and  as  such  he  has  human  needs.  The 
empire  cannot  displace  his  house.  All  the  wealth 
of  earth  cannot  give  him  the  joy  that  one  person 
does,  who  submits  herself  entirely  to  him.  Her 
he  cannot  gain  by  his  measures,  but  rather  she 


becomes  for  ever  lost  to  him  by  those  very  mea- 
sures. Vashti,  however,  this  second  person  at 
the  highest  point  of  woildly  glory,  now  sees  the 
crown  of  her  exalted  station  and  her  happiness 
toru  to  pieces.  For  her  the  day  of  highest  joy 
becomes  the  day  of  her  misfortune.  The  sub- 
jects, who  had  lo  bear  the  cost  of  these  feel- 
ings, must  have  groaned  and  sighed  the  most 
in  advance,  instead  of  rejoicing.  Feuardent  : 
"David  once  called  water  blood,  because  it  ha  I 
been  drawn  at  the  manifest  risk  of  life  on  the 
part  of  his  chieftains,  and  he  therefore  held  it 
wrong  to  drink  of  it.  But  ....  from  another's 
hide,  as  the  proverb  goes,  since  shoe-strings  are 
cut  by  chiefs." 

1.  There  is  but  One,  who — Himself  ever 
blessed — can  make  all  kings  and  nations  truly 
happy  with  the  great  wealth  of  His  treasury. 
He  also  will  bring  to  pass  that  if  those  whose 
beauty  ought  to  be  His  honor  and  joy — mankind, 
whose  love  would  have  given  Him  more  pleasure 
than  a  man  would  find  in  the  love  of  his  wife — ■ 
if  these  will  not  come  to  Him,  will  not  honor  nor 
rejoice  Him,  indeed  if  all  but  one  family  desire 
each  to  go  their  own  way ;  yet  has  this  its  ground 
in  His  highest,  in  His  most  liberal  greatness,  by 
which  He  has  found  means  from  the  very  begin- 
ning to  unfold  more  and  more  the  wealth  of  lli-i 
glorious  kingdom,  in  contrast  with  such  stub- 
bornness, and  especially  to  reveal  to  us  the  riches 
of  His  grace. 

2.  Ahasuerus,  or  Xerxes,  who  had  received 
this  great  and  powerful  kingdom  from  D  irius  his 
father,  and  who  now  governed  it  in  its  fullest 
extent,  possessed  the  greatest  glory  among  the 
people  of  his  own  time  and  those  succeeding,  as 
being  the  greatest  and  most  powerful  king.  And 
in  the  feast,  which  in  our  chapter  he  instituted, 
he  made  it  his  special  business  to  maintain  this 
distinction  to  its  fullest  extent.  But  it  is  this 
very  feast  that  while  it  reveals  his  greatness,  also 
reminds  us  of  his  weakness.  Perhaps  even  t  hen 
many  of  his  friends  felt  that  he  did  not  quite  de- 
serve all  the  distinction  that  he  claimed  for  him- 
self. By  reason  of  his  thoughtlessness  and  folly — 
and  this  may  not  have  been  the  first  time  when 
these  were  manifested,  though  he  now  revealed 
them  in  a  more  public  manner  before  the  eyes  of 
his  princes — he  demanded  of  the  queen  what  was 
against  all  custom  and  good  breeding.  This  lapse 
in  moral  strength  of  which  he  was  guilty — in 
that  he  lived  more  for  sensual  gratification  than 
for  the  duties  of  his  government. — especially  re- 
veals the  fact  that,  though  never  so  mighty  a 
king  and  ruler,  yet  in  fact  in  himself  he  was 
nothing  more  than  a  poor  slave. 

3.  While  Ahasuerus  was  intent  to  show  how 
far  the  limits  of  his  empire  extended,  by  calling 
to  his  court  the  governors  of  the  most  distant 
provinces,  he  found  in  close  proximity,  yea,  in 
his  very  house,  insubordination  to  his  will. 
Though  he  knew  how  to  punish  it.  yet  he  could 
not  conquer  it,  nor  turn  it  into  obedience  to  his 
wishes. 

There  is,  therefore,  a  power  higher  than  that 
of  man,  were  he  even  the  mightiest  ruler  of 
earth.  Though  the  latter  may  prescribe  laws 
and  issue  commands,  the  former  has  long  ago  set 
in  order  His  ordinances,  indeed  stamped  them  on 
the  very  face  of  nature  so  deeply,  so  ineffaceably 


38 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


and  unchangeably,  that  in  contrast  with  human 
commands,  they  appear  holy  and  irrefragable, 
and  in  case  of  a  conflict  bear  away  the  palm  of 
victory.  To  obey  human  laws  may  be  a  sacred 
duty;  but  to  follow  dutifully  the  eternally  divine 
ordinances,  is  a  holy  and  most  glorious  privilege, 
which  no  one  must  permit  to  be  abrogated.  To 
disobey  human  commands  may  be  dangerous, 
may  bring  temporal  disadvantage,  but  to  despise 
God's  laws  is  degrading,  and  will  bring  eternal 
ruin.  If  an  earthly  ruler  with  his  laws  come 
into  conflict  with  divine  ordinances,  he  will  begin 
a  war  in  which  he  will  finally  be  destroyed.  Feu- 
ardent:  "Not  even  the  heathens  were  un- 
aware, under  the  instruction  of  Plutarch,  that  a 
man  ought  to  govern  his  wife  as  the  soul  does 
the  body,  not  as  a  master  does  a  beast." 

Starke:  "Great  pleasure  is  often  followed  by 
equally  great  displeasure.  Occasions  of  joyous 
feasting  commonly  end  in  sorrow  (1  Mace.  ix. 
41).  Wine  disperses  sorrow  and  rejoices  the 
heart  of  mau  (Sir.  xxxi.  32  sq. ).  In  a  drinking- 
company  all  kinds  of  useless  counsels  are  gene- 
rally brought  forth  (Wis.  ii.  10).  Men  with 
men,  women  with  women,  thus  it  was  among  the 
heathen,  and  so  should  it  also  be  among  us  Chris- 
tians. How  much  that  is  unchaste  would  thereby 
be  avoided,  which  is  usually  found  in  such  ga- 
therings (Sir.  six.  2).  Although  beauty  is  a 
gift  of  God,  still  one  should  not  make  a  boast  of 
it  nor  yet  be  proud  (Prov.  xxxi.  30).  Pride  oc- 
casions much  sorrow,  and  often  plunges  others 
into  destruction  (Sir.  iii.  30;  Prov.  xxix.  23; 
1  Pet.  v.  5)." 

On  vers.  13-22.  1.  The  wise  men,  on  whom 
Ahasuerus  depends  to  give  a  decision  as  to  how 
Vashti  should  be  treated,  are  both  judges  and 
masters  of  ceremonies.  They  are  to  execute  law 
and  justice,  but  they  are  also  to  see  to  it  that 
court-etiquette  be  maintained.  Instead  of  at 
once  following  out  the  suggestions  of  his  wrath, 
and  doing  what  he  thinks  best  to  he  done,  Aha- 
suerus subjects  himself  to  an  objective  will- 
power, namely  that  of  law  and  custom.  This  in 
itself  is  great  and  beautiful.  This  is  the  victory 
of  culture  over  crudeness  and  passion.  But  in 
the  manner  in  which  this  is  done  here,  it  amounts 
to  nothing  after  all.  We  seem  to  feel  in  advance 
that  nothing  good  will  come  of  it.  It  sounds  to 
us  as  if  the  advice  of  Memucan  came  from  a 
court  of  judgment:  where  what  was  held  to  be 
lio-ht  is  changed  into  darkness,  and  what  was 
deemed  to  be  sweet  is  changed  into  bitterness. 
The  queen's  act,  which  was  at  the  most  but  a 
trivial  mistake,  is  now  stamped  as  a  dark  crime, 
and  this  sentence  is  supported  by  them  with 
learned  reasons  and  wise  references.  There  is 
guardianship  of  justice  and  of  morals  which  is 
nothing  more  than  hypocrisy,  by  means  of  which 
injustice  and  violence  are  made  a  cloak  for  the 
performance  of  abominable  deeds.  Hence  we 
must  seek  to  know,  not  what  pleases  man,  but 
what  pleases  God.  What  is  good  and  beauti- 
ful in  itself  is  to  be  sought  after.  Feuardent: 
"All  might  have  been  explained  in  a  milder  sense, 


and  a  reasonable  excuse  might  have  been  offered. 
She  was  forbidden  to  enter  that  promiscuous  as- 
sembly by  the  very  modesty  which  is  a  woman's 
chief  ornament." 

2.  However  wisely  the  counsellors  of  Ahasuerus 
counsel  together,  yet  all  their  wisdom  in  truth  is 
nothing  but  folly;  to  such  a  degree  as  to  cause 
us  to  smile,  but  yet  pity.  They  would  forestall 
the  assumptions  of  the  women,  and  would  pro- 
tect the  respect  due  to  men.  They  suppose  that 
they  firmly  ground  the  honor  of  mau,  if  they 
suppress  the  rights  of  woman.  They  do  not 
perceive  that  if  they  compel  woman  to  be  sub- 
ject to  them,  even  to  the  sacrifice  of  her  modesty, 
they  will  divest  her  of  all  humanity,  and  thereby 
make  her  truly  and  offensively  bold  and  arro- 
gant. Ahasuerus  appears  equally  foolish.  By 
not  rendering  a  decision  himself,  but  deferring 
to  his  court  for  judgment,  he  would  protect  him- 
self from  the  reproach  of  cruelty  and  blind  pas- 
sion. But  the  real  responsibility  nevertheless 
falls  upon  him.  Nor  does  he  by  any  means  guard 
himself  against  the  great  loss  of  a  wife,  of  whom 
he  has  been  so  proud,  and  whose  merits  he  will 
so  soon  be  compelled  to  recognise.  Now  the 
question  remains.  Were  other  heathen  princes  or 
judges  really  any  wiser?  We  know  that  it  has 
ever  pleased  God  to  bring  to  shame  the  wisdom 
of  the  world;  and  we  would  not  hazard  much, 
were  we  to  soy  that  the  folly  of  Ahasuerus  and 
his  counsellors  would  be  found  repeated  more  or 
less  in  all  human  measures  and  arrangements 
which  have  not  proceeded  from  a  fear  of  God,  but 
have  reference  solely  to  human  desire,  inclina- 
tion, and  advantage.  The  divine  law  only  is 
truly  wise,  and  those  who  are  led  thereby  are 
surely  protected  from  loss.  Though  that  law 
pronounces  sentence  of  banishment  against  those 
who  are  rebellious,  still  it  is  just ;  and  even  those 
so  banished,  if  they  but  come  to  themselves  and 
look  within,  must  recognise  its  justice.  It  only 
rejects  these,  to  make  room  for  all  those  who  do 
turn  within  and  strive  to  give  place  to  grace. 

Starke:  "Vers.  13-15.  'For  the  wrath  of  man 
worketh  not  the  righteousness  of  God'  (Jas.  i. 
20).  Vers.  16-18.  Thus  it  is  ever  in  the  world : 
as  long  as  one  is  able  to  stand,  others  run  to  aid, 
knowing  that  their  help  is  not  needed.  When, 
however,  signs  of  falling  are  seen,  all  help  to 
push  him  down.  Ver.  19.  True  counsellors  must 
set  aside  all  respect  for  private  interests,  they 
must  keep  their  eyes  fixed  upon  public  dangers. 
They  must  exert  themselves  to  avert  general  mis- 
fortune, though  thereby  they  even  endanger  their 
own  welfare.  Oh  that  all  great  lords  would  have 
respect  to  the  laws  of  the  great  God,  as  they  de- 
sire to  have  their  laws  respected  !  God's  law  is 
truly  of  such  a  nature  and  obligatory  character 
upon  us  that  it  neither  can  nor  should  be  changed. 
Vers.  20,  21.  This  is  the  manner  of  all  great 
lords;  when  their  honor  is  insulted,  they  are 
very  severe,  and  promptly  bring  their  laws  into 
execution.  But  when  God's  honor  is  insulted, 
then  they  are  easily  quieted,  and  can  readily  and 
quickly  change  their  purposes." 


CHAP.  II.  1-23.  39 


FIRST  SECTION. 

The  Rise  and  Conflict  of  Opposite  Elements. 
Chaps.  II.,  III. 

A.— ESTHER  IS  RAISED  TO  THE  PLACE  OF  VASHTI,  AND  MORDECAI  MAKES  HIMSELF 
DESERVING  OF  THE  FAVOR  OF  AHASUERUS. 

Chap.  II.  1-23. 

I.  Esther's  Elevation.   Vers.  1-18. 

1  After  these  things  [words],  when  [as]  the  wrath  of  king  Ahasuerus  was  ap- 
peased [subsided],  he  remembered  Vashti,  and  what  she  had   done,  and  what  was 

2  decreed  against  her.  Then  [And]  said  the  king's  servants  [young  men]  that 
ministered  unto  him  [his  waiters],  Let  there  be  fair  [good  of  appearance]   young 

3  virgins  sought  [let  them  seek]  for  the  king :  And  let  the  king  appoint  officers  in 
all  the  provinces  of  his  kingdom,  that  they  may  [and  let  them]  gather  together  all 
the  fair  young  virgins  [every  young  virgin  good  of  appearance]  unto  Shushan  the 
palace,  to  the  house  of  the  women,  unto  the  custody  [hand]  of  Hege  the  king's 
chamberlain  [eunuch],  keeper  of  the  women ;  and  let  their  things  for  purification 

4  be  given  them  [let  there  be  a  giving  their  furbishmeuts] :  And  let  the  maiden 
[young  woman]  which  pleaseth  [that  seems  good  to]  the  king  be  queen  instead  of 
Vashti.     And  the  thing  pleased  [seemed  good  to]  the  king,  and  he  did  so. 

5  Now  in  Shushan  the  palace  there  was  a  certain  [man]  Jew,  whose  [and  his] 
name  was  Mordecai,  the  son  of  Jair,  the  son  of  Shimei.  the  son  of  Kish,  a  Benjamite, 

6  Who  had  been  carried  away  [made  captive]  from  Jerusalem  with  the  captivity 
which  had  been  carried  away  [made  captive]  with  Jechoniah  king  of  Judah,  whom 

7  Nebuchadnezzar  the  king  of  Babylon  had  carried  away  [made  captive].  And  he 
brought  up  [was  supporting]  Hadassah  (that  is  Esther)  his  uncle's  daughter ;  for 
she  had  neither  father  nor  mother,  and  the  maid  [young  woman]  was  fair  [beauti- 
ful of  figure]  and  beautiful  [good  of  appearance]  ;'  whom  [and  her]  Mordecai, 
when  her  father  and  mother  were  dead,  took  for  his  own  [to  him  for  a]  daughter. 

8  So  [Aud]  it  came  to  pass  [was],  when  the  king's  commandment  [word]  and  his 
decree  was  heard,  and  when  many  maidens  [young  women]  were  gathered  together 
unto  Shushan  the  palace,  to  the  custody  [hand]  of  Hegai,  that  [and,  i.  e.  then] 
Esther  was  brought  [taken]  also  unto  the  king's  house,  to  the  custody  [hand]   of 

9  Hegai,  keeper  of  the  women.  Aud  the  maiden  [young  woman]  pleased  him 
[seemed  good  in  his  eyes],  and  she  obtained  kiudness  of  [received  favor  before] 
him;  and  he  speedily  gave  [hastened  to  give]  her  her  things  for  purification  [fur- 
bishments],  with  [and]  such  things  as  belonged  to  her  [her  portions],  aud  seven 
maidens  [young  women],  which  were  meet  [seen,  i.  e.  chosen]  to  be  given  [give]  her, 
out  of  the  king's  house :  and  he  preferred  [changed]   her  and   her  maids   [young 

10  women]  unto  the  best  [good]  place  of  the  house  of  the  women.  Esther  had  not 
showed   [told]    her  people   nor  [and]   her  kindred   [lineage] :  for  Mordecai  had 

11  charged  [enjoined  upon]  her  that  she  should  not  show  [tell]  it.  And  Mordecai 
walked  [was  walking  to  and  fro]  every  day  [continually]2  before  the  court  of  the 
women's  house,  to  know  how  Esther  did  [the  peace,  i.  e.  welfare  of  Esther],  and 
what  should  become  of  [be  done  with]  her. 

12  Now  [And],  when  every  [each]  maid's  turn  was  come  [approached]  to  go  in  to 
[the]  king  Ahasuerus.  after  that  she  had  been  [at  the  end  of  her  being]  twelve 
months,  according  to  the  manner  [law]  of  the  women,  (for  so  were  the  days  of  their 
purifications  [furbish ments]  accomplished,  to  wit,  six  months  with  oil  of  myrrh, 


4U 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


and  six  months  with  sweet  odors  [spices],  and  with  other  things  for  the  purifvinc 

13  [furbishruents]  of  the  women,)  Then  [Aid]  thus  [in  this  time']  came  every  maiden 
unto  the  king ;  whatsoever  she  desired  [might  say]  was  [would  be]  given  her,  to 

14  go  with  her  out  of  the  house  of  the  women  unto  the  king's  house.  In  the  evening 
she  went,  and  on  the  morrow  [in  the  morning]  she3  returned  into  the  second  house 
of  the  women,  to  the  custody  [hand]  of  Shaashgaz  the  king's  chamberlain  [eunuch], 
which  kept  [keeping]  the  concubines :  she  came  [would  come]  in  unto  the  king 
no  more,  except  the  king  delighted  in  her,  and   that  she   were  called  by  name. 

15  Now  [And]  when  the  turn  of  Esther,  the  daughter  of  Abihail  the  uncle  of  Morde- 
cai,  who  had  taken  her  for  his  [to  him  for  a]  daughter,  was  come  [approached]  to 
go  in  unto  the  king,  she  required  [sought]  nothing  but  what  Hegai  the  king's 
chamberlain  [eunuch],  the  keeper  of  [keeping]  the  women,  appointed  [might  say] : 
and  Esther  obtained  [was  receiving]  favor  in  the  sight  [eyes]  of  all  them  that  looked 

16  upon  [seeing]  her.  So  [And]  Esther  was  taken  unto  [the]  king  Ahasuerus  into 
his  house  royal  in  the  tenth  month,  which  is  the  month  Tebeth,  in  the  seventh  year 

17  of  his  reign.  And  the  king  loved  Esther  above  all  the  women,  and  she  obtained 
[received]  grace  [favor]  and  favor  [mercy]  in  his  sight  [before  him]  more  than  all 
the  virgins ;  so  that  [and]  he  set  the  royal  crown  upon  her  head,  and   made  her 

18  queen  instead  of  Vashti.  Then  [And]  the  king  made  a  great  feast  [banquet]  unto 
all  his  princes  and  his  servants,  even  Esther's  feast  [banquet]  ;  and  he  made  a 
release  [rest]  to  the  provinces,  and  gave  gifts  [a  contribution]  according  to  the 
state  [hand]  of  the  king. 


II.   Mordecai  makes  himself  deserving  of  the  favor  of  Ahasuerus.   Vers.  18-20. 

19  And  when  the  virgins  were  gathered  together  the  second  time,  then  Mordecai  sat 

20  [was  sitting]  in  the  king's  gate.  Esther  had  not  yet  showed  [was  not  telling]  her 
kindred  [lineage]  nor  [and]  her  people,  as  Mordecai  had  charged  [enjoined  upon] 
her :  for  Esther  did  the  commandment  [saying]  of  Mordecai,  like  as   [what  she 

21  was]  when  she  was  brought  up  [in  her  being  supported]  with  him.  In  those  days, 
while  [and,  i.  e.  when]  Mordecai  sat  [was  sitting]  in  the  king's  gate,  two  of  the 
king's  chamberlains,  Bigthau  and  Teresh,  of  those  which  kept  [keeping]  the  door 
[threshold]  were  wroth  [was  enraged],  and  sought  to  lay  hand  on  the  king  Aha- 

22  suerus.  And  the  thing  [word]  was  known  to  Mordecai,  who  [and  he]  told  it  unto 
Esther  the  queen,  and  Esther  certified  [said  to]   the  king  thereof  in  Mordecai's  ■ 

23  name.  And  when,  inquisition  was  made  of  [they  sought]  the  matter  [word],  [and] 
it  was  found  out;  therefore  [and]  they  were  both  hanged  on  a  tree:  and  it  was 
written  in  the  book  of  the  Chronicles  [words  (i.  e.  deeds)  of  the  days]  before  the 
king. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  7.  Of  the  two  expressions  here  used,  the  former  refers  to  general  symmetry  of  person,  "1K,R-JT3\  and 
the  latter  specially  to  comeliness  of  countenance,  J"IN"1*D   j"01CD.    Esther  had  not  only  a  fine  form,  but  also  a  fine 

face.— Tn.] 

2  [Ver.  11.  The  expression  here  used  is  doubly  emphatic,  QV1    DV~7D3,  to  show  Mordecai's  intense  solici- 

T  t: 

tilde  for  his  ward. — Tn.] 

3  [Ver.  14.  The  pronoun,  being  expressed,  is  here  emphatic  =  each  individual  singly. — Tn.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-4.  Plan  for  procuring  a  new  Queen. — 
The  history  which  informs  us  how  Ahasuerus 
caused  virgins  to  be  brought  together  from  all 
the  parts  of  his  kingdom;  how  in  consequence 
he  loved  Esther  in  the  place  of  Vashti,  begins 
properly  here,  at  the  point  when  the  anger  of  the 
king  against  Vashti  had  allayed,  and  when  he 
thought  of  what  she  had  done,  and  what  was  de- 
termined respecting  her.  In  view  of  ver.  16  we 
would  he  led  lo  assume,  since  Esther  was  hrouglit 
to  the  king's  palace  in  the  seventh  year,  and  the 


tenth  month  of  the  year,  that  now  we  stand  in 
the  fifih  or  even  the  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Ahasuerus.  Hence  there  would  be  between  ch. 
i.  (comp.  ver.  3)  and  chap.  ii.  a  period  of  nearly 
three  years.  We  may  assume  that  It  did  not 
take  longer  than  a  half  year  to  execute  the  order 
here  given ;  and  the  preparation  of  the  virgins 
described  in  ver.  12  did  not  continue  more  than 
a  j ear.  Meanwhile  Ahasuerus  was  employed  in 
Greece  during  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign,  but  he 
returned  in  the  seventh.  In  all  probability  we 
are  still  in  the  time  of  the  Grecian  war.  We 
may  also  very  naturally  conclude  that  under  the 
circumstances  many  years  were  not  suffered  to 


CHAP.  II.  1-23. 


41 


pass  before  il  was  thought  to  find  a  substitute 
for  Vashti.  This  resoluiion  was  formed  soon  af- 
ter the  rejection  of  Vashti,  but  its  execution  may 
have  been  delayed  because  of  the  newly  under- 
taken Grecian  war.  Tlie  literal  meaning  of  ver. 
1  seems  to  be  that  Ahasuerus  rued  in  his  sober 
moments  what  had  passed,  that  hence  the  fear 
might  have  arisen  lest  he  would  now  direct  his 
anger  from  Vashti  and  let  it  fall  upon  his  coun- 
sellors. 

M?  from  Sptrf,  to  let  down,  to  lie  down,  is  here 
and  in  chap.  vii.  10,  spoken  of  the  swellings  of 
anger,  in  Gen.  viii.  1,  of  movements  of  water,  and 
is  related  to  nnc?,  to  be  low  or  become  low.     "ill 

-  T  ~T 

is  to  decide,  to  conclude  firmly,  irrevocably,  comp. 

mU,  Dan.  iv.  14. 

tt  : 

Ver.  2.  The  youths*  that  served  before  the 
king  sought  to  avert  the  danger  that  threatened. 
Those  here  mentioned  are  his  attendants  (comp. 
Neh.  iv.  10),  who  were  employed  about  his  per- 
son (comp.  chap.  vi.  3,  5).  They  advised  that 
maidens,  virgins,  be  brought  to  the  king,  and 
that  these  should  be  beautiful  to  look  upon. 
ItypT,  the  3d  pers.  plur.,  represents,  as  is  usual 
in  the  Aram.,  the  impersonal  "one,"  as  a  pas- 
sive expression.  j"I11>'J,  marriageable  persons,  is 
in  itself  too  indefinite  to  be  other  than  an  append- 
age to  /ViSiro.t 

Ver.  3.  They  also  gave  the  plan  of  execution  of 
this  project:  The  king,  through  his  appointed 
officers,  or  through  specially  authorized  men,  was 
to  cause  to  be  brought  together  from  all  the  pro- 
vinces of  his  kingdom  the  most  beautiful  virgins, 
and  placed  under  the  hand  of  Hege  in  the  house 
of  the  women.  This  Hege  was  the  chief  eunuch 
of  the  king,  the  keeper  of  the  women,  under 
whose  care  and  direction  every  young  maiden 
taken  into  the  harem  was  placed,  and  by  him 
prepared  for  one  whole  year  to  go  into  the  pre- 
sence of  the  king  (comp.  ver.  12).  NJH  in  vers, 
8  and  15  called  "JH,  was,  as  above  stated,  the 
chief  overseer  of  the  king's  harem. J  And  let 
their  things  for  purification  be  given 
(them). — pi"^],  the  infin.  absol.,  gives  promi- 
nence to  the  act  purely  as  such,  since  it  presup- 
poses the  subject  as  being  self-evident :  "Let  them 
be  given"  [rather,  "Let  there  be  a  giving"]. 
priori  (comp.  vers.  9  and  12),  from  p^O,  to  rub, 
to  cleanse,  to  make  clean,  is  an  abstract  image, 
purification  in  the  sense  of  cleansing;  while 
3'plia  in  ver.  12  means  rather   [passively]   be- 


*  H£3.  however,  like  jr<us  in  Greek,  and  boy  in  Eng- 
lish, often  denotes  merely  a  male  domestk,  with  little 
regard  to  age. — Tr.] 

f  [It  here,  however,  denotes  something  additional  to 
the  charm*  of  the  candidates  for  the  queenly  state.  All 
young  females  are  not  virgins,  nor  are  all  virgins  young. 
These  were  to  be  both,  and  more  besides,  to  be  fa;r 
-Tit.] 

t  ["The  'gymeeeum'  or  'harem'  was  always  an 
essential  part  of  an  Oriental  palace  (comp.  1  Kings  vii. 
8).  In  the  Persian  palaces  it  was  very  extensive,"since 
the  Persian  monarehs  maintained,  besides  their  legiti- 
mate wives,  as  manv  as  Soft  or  401  concubines  (Parmen 
ap.  Athen.  Deipon  XIII.  p.  fins  a).  Hege,  strictly  speak- 
ing, seems  to  have  been  '  keeper  of  the  virgins'  only, 
since  the  concubines  were  under  the  care  of  Shaashgaz 
(ver.  14)."  Rawlinson.— Tb.] 


come  cleansed,  or  pure.  Evidently  such  a  purifi- 
cation meant  a  eh  ansing  and  anointing  with  pre- 
cious oils,  ver.  4.  Their  purpose  was  that  the 
one  who   should  please  the  king  might  become 

queen  in  the  room  of  Vashti.  ^73  here  speaks 
of  the  queen,  as  it  elsewhere  does  of  the  king. 
Ahasuerus  approved  of  this  proposition  also 
(comp.  chap.  i.  21). 

Vers.  5-7.  Now  our  author  can  and  must  make 
a  reference  to  Mordeeai  and  Esther  as  the  chief 
persons  on  the  one  side  in  the  conflict  that  is  to 
follow.  Ver.  6.  A  certain  Jew — remained 
about,  there — in  Shushati  the  palace — whose 
name  (was)  Mordeeai. — It  is  a  characteris- 
tic of  our  author  in  his  vivid  mode  of  statement 
that,  instead  of  continuing  the  connection,  he 
makes  U3e  of  "ITl,  so  taking  a  fresh  start  (comp. 
chap.  i.  9,  10).  Thus  a  new  element,  which 
comes  into  play  in  this  history,  receives  greater 
prominence. 

The  name  Mordeeai.  which  in  the  later  recen- 
sions is  not  written  OTlJD,  but  OIIO,  has  per- 

-  :  ;  t  — t:  s  t 

haps  connection  with  the  Persian  mordkai,  "little 
man"  (mannikin).  Its  derivation  from  the  name 
of  the  Cbaldee  God,  Merodach,  is,  however,  ex- 
tremely improbable.  Its  import  is  equally  as 
uncertain  with  that  of  most  of  the  names  men- 
tioned in  chap,  i.*  The  son  of  Jair,  the  son 
of  Shimei,  the  son  of  Kish,  a  Benjamite. 
— According  to  most,  commentators,  also  Clericus 
and  Rambach,  Jair,  Shimei  and  Kish  were  the 
nearest  antecedents  of  Mordeeai. f  Still  it  is 
much  more  natural  to  hold  with  Josephus,  who 
traces  the  genealogy  of  Esther  to  a  royal  house, 
that  King  Saul  is  meant  {Arch.  XI.  0) ;  while  both 
Targums  hold  both  Shimei  and  Kish  as  being 
much  earlier  in  the  line,  namely,  identical  with 
the  men  mentioned  in  the  Books  of  Samuel,  Shi- 
mei, the  son  of  Gera,  who  cursed  David  (2  Sam. 
xvi.  5sqq.;  1  Ki.  ii.  8,  36  sqq.),  and  Kish,  the 
father  of  Saul  (1  Sam.  ix.  1 ;  1  Chron.  viii.  33). 
This  agrees  with  the  statement  that  the  former 
Shimei,  the  same  as  the  one  here  mentioned, 
should  have  been  a  son  of  Kish.  In  1  Sam.  xvi. 
5  he  is  designated  as  being  of  the  lineage  of 
Saul.  Further  we  discover  that  Mordeeai,  by 
this  derivation,  was  a  Benjamite,  and  that  al- 
ready by  this  genealogical  descent  he  is  placed 
in  opposition  to  Haman  as  his  enemy.  This  is 
most  clearly  shown  by  our  author  in  designating 

*  ["Mordeeai  has  been  probably  identified  with  a 
certain  Matacas,  who.  according  to  Ctesias,  was  the  most 
powerful  of  the  eunuchs  during  the  latter  part  of  the 

reign  of  Xerxes That  Mordeeai  was  a  eunueh 

is  implied  by  his  adoption  of  a  young  female  cousin,  and 
also  by  the  ready  access  which  he  had  to  the  harem  of 
Ahasuerus."  Rawlinson. — Tb.1 

t  [So  also  Rawlinson  :  "  If  tne  writer  had  intended  to 
derive  Mordeeai  from  a  royal  stock,  he  would  scarcely 
have  omitted  the  name  of  Saul  himself.  Nor  would  he 
have  designated  Kish  as  a  mere  "  Beniamite."  The 
same  writer  adds  that  on  the  supposition  "that  the  list 
is  simply  the  true  line  of  Mordeeai's  descent  from  a 
certain  Kish  otherwise  unknown,  who  was  hi3  grandfa- 
ther." and  had  been  carried  away  by  Nebuchadnezzar: 
then  "the  four  generations,  Kish.  Shimei.  Jair,  Morde- 
eai, exactly  till  up  the  space  of  130  years  from  Jeconiah's 

captivity  to  the  latter  half  of  Xerxes'  reign The 

aL'e  nf  Munh-eui  at  the  aece.-sion  of  Xerxes  may  have 
been  about  3-1  or  40:  that  of  Esther,  his  first  cousin, 
about  2U."  Still  these  coincidences  seem  to  be  out- 
weighed by  the  considerations  advanced  by  our  au- 
thor.— Tb.] 


42 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


the  latter  as  an  Agagite  (comp.  ch.  iii.  1).  It  is 
also  well  known  that  it  was  a  custom  of  Biblical 
historians  not  to  give  the  genealogy  complete, 
but  rather  to  form  a  connection  more  or  less  close 
with  celebrated  names  of  the  older  times  (comp. 
e.g.  Maaseiah  in  Neh.  xi.  5,  the  son  of  Shiloni; 
or  Pethaliiah,  Neh.  xi.  24,  the  son  of  Judah ;  or 
Shallum,  1  Chron.  ix.  19,  the  son  of  Korah). 
The  relative  sentence  in  ver.  6:  Who  had  been 
carried  away  from  Jerusalem  with  the 
captivity,  which  had  been  carried  away 
•with  Jeconiah  king  of  Judah,  whom  Ne- 
buchadnezzar the  king  of  Babylon  had 
carried  away  cannot  by  any  means  be  referred 
to  the  last  named  Kish,  as  is  thought  by  older 
commentators,  and  also  by  Clericus  and  Baum- 
garten  (I.  c.  p.  127),  but  only  to  Mordecai,  to 
whom  special  reference  is  made  as  being  a  Ben- 
jamile.  Not  only  the  analogy  of  similar  personal 
designations  found  in  the  Scriptures  demands 
this,  but  especially  the  circumstance  that  this 
reference  to  Kish  as  a  Benjamite  would  be  purely 
arbitrary.  Thus  it  gives  the  appearance  as  if 
Mordecai  bad  himself  belonged  to  the  first  pe- 
riod of  the  exile,  and  not  his  great  grand-father, 
and  as  if  the  history  of  our  book,  instead  of  be- 
longing to  the  period  of  Xerxes,  really  belonged 
to  the  period  of  a  pre-existing  king  of  Media 
(perhaps  to  that  of  Cyaxares,  comp.  chap.  i.  1). 
For  the  assumption  that  Mordecai  had  lived 
from  the  beginning  of  the  exile  up  to  the  time 
of  Xerxes,  and  then,  being  perhaps  120-130 
years  old,  had  become  prime  minister,  is  quite 
improbable.  So  is  also  the  statement  that  he 
was  identical  with  the  Mordecai  mentioned  in 
Ezra  ii.  2;  Neh.  vii.  7,  an  exile  returned  to  Je- 
rusalem with  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua,  but  after- 
wards coming  back  again  to  Cbaldten.  or  rather 
to  Shushan  (Rambach).  The  contrast  with  the 
youth  of  Esther  renders  it  in  that  case  well  nigh 
impossible  then  that  she  should  come  into  notice 
here.  Still  this  natural  consideration  may  be 
deceptive.  Since  all  the  other  incidents  point  to 
the  later  time  of  Xerxes,  we  are  justified,  indeed 
compelled,  to  bear  in  mind  that  mode  of  speech 
which  was  then  employed.  This  treats  of  things 
done  by  predecessors  as  having  been  witnessed 
by  their  progeny,  who  had  a  certain  part  in 
them;  such  an  analogy  is  found  in  Gen.  xlvi. 
8  sqq.  Perhaps  also  the  expression  here  indi- 
cates in  advance  that  Mordecai  had  been  carried 
away  not  only  along  with  Jeconiah";  but  also 
together  with  the  captives  led  away  at  the  time 
of  Jeconiah.*  One  thing,  however,  is  clear :  that 
though  a  Benjamite,  he  belonged  to  the  "cap- 
tivity" of  Judah,  and  not  to  that  of  Israel,  to 
which  Joachim  Lange  would  assign  him.  But 
iu  this  place  reference  is  made  to  him.  as  is  in- 
dicated in  ver.  7,  because  of  his  relationship  to 
Esther.  And  he  brought  up  Hadassah 
[that  is,  Esther]  his  uncle's  daughter. — 
pX,  a  participle  connected  with  an  accus.,  means 


*  ["The  relative  clause,  'Who  had  been  carried 
away.'  need  not  be  so  strietly  understood  as  to  assert 
that Mordeeai  himself  was  earried  away ;  hut  the  object 
being  to  give  merely  his  origin  and  lineage,  and  not  bis 
history,  it  involves  only  the  notion  that  he  belonged  to 
those  Jews  who  were  carried  to  Babylon  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar with  Jeconiah,  so  that  he.  though  born  in  capti- 
vitv.  was  carried  to  Babylon  in  the  persons  of  his  fore- 
father.--." Keil. — Te.1 


a  guardian  (2  Ki.  xi.  5  ;  Num.  xi.  12),  but  it  may 
also  mean  one  v;ho  cares  for,  or  who  is  a  foster- 
parent  (Isa.  xlix.  28).  HCnri,  myrtle,  usually 
masc.  D"in,  plur.  D*Cnn,  may  be  compared  with 
the  Greek  names  for  maidens,  VLvpTia,  Mvppivn. 
The  phrase,  "  that  is,  Esther,"  has  joined  with 
it  also  the  other  name  by  which  she  has  become 
known.  Without  doubt  she  received  this  at  the 
Persian  court.  If}???  is  old  Persian  stara  with 
N  prosth.:  see  the  term  for  star,  modern  Persian 
sitareh,  Greek  aarijp.  As  the  daughter  of  his  un- 
cle, his  father's  brother,  hence  also  his  cousin, 
it  was  very  likely  that  she  was  somewhat  younger 
than  her  foster-father,  but  not  one  hundred  or 
more  years  younger,  as  would  be  the  case  if  he 
had  lived  at  the  beginning  of  the  exile.  Her  fa- 
ther's name,  according  to  ver.  15,  was  Abihail. 

Iu  vers.  8-11  it  follows  how  Esther,  and 
through  her  Mordecai,  were  involved  in  the  his- 
tory of  Ahasuerus.  Ver.  8.  So  it  came  to  pass 
(literally  "when  was  heard,''  comp.  chap.  i.  20 
and  Neh.  vi.  1),  when  the  king's  command- 
ment and  his  decree  was  heard — i.  e.,  the 
decree  of  the  king  as  expressed  in  the  publicly 
proclaimed  law,  so  that  all  were  obliged  to  give 
it  obedience;  among  other  maidens  Esther 'was 
brought  also  into  the  king's  house — Per- 
haps quite  a  time  was  allowed  to  elapse  be- 
fore executing  the  decree,  on  account  of"  the  war 
with  Greece,  which  had  broken  out  meanwhile. 
It  is  quite  certain,  according  to  what  follows, 
that  Esther  was  not  brought  into  the  palace  of 
the  king  Ahasuerus  before  the  sixth  year  of  his 
reign. 

Ver.  9.  Now  since  Esther  appeared  very  beau- 
tiful in  the  eyes  of  Hegai.  and  found  favor 
iu  his  sighnon  HV:  or  |il  N^J  (vers.  15,  17: 
chip.  v.  2)  occurs  only  in  our  book,  commonly 
in  Ni"D,  to  obtain  or  bear  away  grace  or  favor 
— he  speedily  gave  her  her  things  for 
purification  -with  such  things  as  belonged 
to  her  (comp.  ver.  3).  J1UD  are  portions,  not 
so  much  of  oils  for  anointing  as  rather  good  food 
(comp.  chap.  ix.  19,  22).  Perhaps  those  maid- 
ens that  were  selected  by  the  king  received 
during  their  time  of  purification  an  especially 
good  diet  (comp.  Dan.  i.  5).  But  they  were 
prepared  one  after  the  other.  Hegai  expedited 
matters  that  Esther  should  be  counted  among 
the  virgins  of  the  harem  as  soon  as  possible. 
The  accus. :  the  things  for  her  purification  and  such 
things  as  belonged  to  her,  does  not  depend  upon 

/HIT,  but  upon  el7  i"Vw  i  tne  object  is  placed 
before  the  infin.  according  to  Aramsean  usage. 
But  the  infin.  is  here  added  after  the  following 
object;  and  "the  seven  maidens  selected"  is 
repeated,  lest  the  previous  objective  statement 
might  seem  too  long.  The  seven  maidens  se- 
lected, i.  e.  from  the  king's  service,  were  by  law 
given  to  her  as  servants  and  to  keep  her  com- 
pany. frf'Xl  means  primarily  selected  for  a  de- 
finite purpose  (comp.  Nin,  Dan.  iii.  19) ;  in  the 
Talmud  and  Rabbins  '!S1  takes  the  meaning  of 
dignus,  decens,   conveniens* — And  he  preferred 


*  [It  is  implied  that  each  concubine  received  seven 
maidens,  hut  that  by  the  favor  of  Hegai,  Esther  received 
picked  maidens.     Rawlinson. — Tb.J 


CHAP.  II.  1-23. 


43 


her  and  her  maids  unto  the  best  (place) 
of  the  house  of  the  women,  *'.  e.  an  espe- 
cially good  and  beautiful  part  of  it,  the  state- 
rooms of  the  wonieu's  house.  Thus  she  might 
in  every  respect  live  as  belonged  to  the  distinc- 
tion awaiting  her. 

Ver.  10.  Esther  owed  this  fortune  next  to  her 
fairness  to  the  shrewdness  of  Mordecai.  Be- 
cause of  his  advice  Esther  had  not  showed 
her  people  nor  her  kindred,  as  being  one 
of  the  captive  and  despised  Jews,  else  she  would 
soon  have  heen  set  back.  Mordecai  showed  his 
love  and  shrewdness  also  in  this,  that  even  now 
he  kept  up  his  relationship  to  her.  And  Mor- 
decai walked  every  day  before  the  court 
of  the  women's  house,  to  know  how? 
Esther  did,  and  what  should  become  of 
her — This  was  to  find  out  whether  she  was 
really  iu  preparation  for  the  king.  It  appears 
that  he  could  still  approach  her  without  hin- 
drance, whereas  in  chap.  iv.  it  is  stated,  that 
when  he  put  on  clothes  of  mourning,  he  was  no 
more  permitted  either  to  stand  in  the  gate  of 
the  king,  or  to  pass  up  and  down  before  the  house 
of  the  women.  Perhaps  the  laws  of  the  harem 
were  in  those  days  not  so  strict  that,  though  he 
could  not  speak  to  Esther  directly,  still  he  could 
find  out  about  her  by  her  associate  maidens. 
We  have  neither  a  right  nor  claim  on  the  expla- 
nation of  Jewish  commentators  that  he  was  a 
Persian  official  high  in  rank,  and  therefore  he 
had  admittance  to  her  (comp.  ver.  19).* 

Vers.  12-18.  Esther  was  preferred  before  all 
the  other  virgins.  But  in  order  to  give  promi- 
nence to  the  modesty  and  simplicity  of  Esther, 
our  author  tells  us  beforehand,  in  vers.  12-14, 
what  would  have  been  granted  her  in  this  deci- 
sive hour  had  she  requested  it.  Now  'when 
every  maid's  turn  was  come  to  go  in  to 
king  Ahasuerus,  etc. — Tin,  really  order,  ac- 
cording to  tiwald,  §  146  d,  probably  connected 
with  fni'FI  (comp.  1  Chron.  xvii.  17),  here  in 
our  verse  corresponds  to  "turn,"  "row"  (ver. 
13);  comp.  □'"IIP,  rows,  chains,  Cantic.  i.  11. 
So  instead  of  saying:  "When  the  turn  of  each 
maid  came,"  we  would  say  :  "  When  it  was  the 
turn  of  each  maid."  After  that  she  had 
been  twelve  months,  according  to  the 
manner  of  the  women. — One  would  be  led 
to  expect:  "At  the  end  of  twelve  months,  after 
that,"  etc.  But  the  author  desires  to  give  ex- 
pression to  the  thought:  "At  the  end  of  the 
purifications  and  necessary  preparations."  The 
"  maimer  of  the  women"  does  not  mean  the 
custom  of  the  women  (Gen.  xviii.  11;  xxxi.  35, 
Clericus).  for  it  would  not  then  be  necessary  to 
add  "twelve  months;"  but  it  is  the  law  pre- 
scribing those  preparations  which  are  more  fully 
set  forth  in  what  follows.  The  term  "  women  ' 
instead  of  "maidens"  must  not  seem  strange 
to  us  at  this  place  any  more  than  'pll^fl  at  the 
end   of  the  verse.     Six    months   with   the 

r"Mi.rdeeai  occupied,  Apparently,  an  humble  place 
in  the  royal  household.  He  was  probably  one  of  the 
porters  or  door-keepers  at  the  main  entrance  of  the 
palace  'see  ver.  21.  and  eonip.  eh.  iii  2:  v.  13,  <:tr.).  This 
position  separated  him  from  his  adopted  daughter,  and 
-"iiii1  effort  was  needed  to  keep  up  communication 
with  her."  Rawlinsun. — Tr.] 


oil  of  myrrh,  etc.,  is  more  fu'ly  supplemented 
by:  "They  were  purified"  or  prepared.  The 
purifications  of  the  women  last  mentioned  are 
still  other  means  which  were  employed  by  the 
women  for  this  purpose.  The  clause  following 
iu  ver.  13  should  perhaps  read  :  "At  the  coming 
of  every  maiden  to  the  king  all  these  things 
were  given  her,"  etc.  For  this  is  really  the 
declaration  upon  which  a  fact  is  based,  namely, 
that  when  Esther  came,  she  required  nothing 
more  of  Hegai  than  what  he  appointed,  as  is 
stated  in  ver.  15.  The  expression:  "At  her 
coming"  is  made  with  a  previous  clause  of  con- 
dition, and  is  attached  by  the  conjunction  "  and  ' 
to  the  sentence  gone  before;  and  it  is  also  con- 
nected in  its  participial  form  with  the  principal 
sentence,  so  that  it  is  best  introduced  by  the 
terms  "and  when"  or  "now  when"  (comp. 
Job  i.  13,  16,  17  seq.,  and  Ewald,  \  341  d). 
Such  participial  sentences  of  condition  as  are 
found  in  ver.  14  correspond  to  the  nominative 
absolute,  somewhat  like  the  genitive  absolute 
of  the  Greeks.  Then  thus  came  (every) 
maiden  unto  the  king ;  whatsoever  she 
desired  was  given  her  to  go  with  her  — 

nt3   may  be  understood  to  mean  from  that  time, 

V  T  " 

as  does  also  the  Sept.,  i.  e.,  Mo,  sc.  tempore;  but 
it  may  also  have  reference  to  the  condition,  hoc 
modo,  sc.  ornata  (comp.  {33,  chap.  iv.  16).  The 
subject,  "whatever"  (all  that),  precedes  for 
emphasis,  and  does  not  mean  a  companion 
(Rambach) — opposed  to  this  is  ver.  15 — but  all 
kinds  of  articles  of  decoration  and  of  precious 
value  with  which  she  would  decorate  herself  to 
appear  before  the  king.  The  lot  that  befel  most 
virgins  in  spite  of  all  preparation  and  decora- 
tion is  also  on  this  account  made  note  of  by  the 
author  in  ver.  14,  in  order  to  give  due  promi- 
nence to  the  good  fortune  that  came  to  Esther 
in  her  simplicity  and  attractive  demeanor  by 
placing  it  in  such  contrast.  In  the  evening 
she  went,  and  on  the  morrow  she  re- 
turned into  the  second  house  of  the  wo- 
men, to  the  custody  of  Shaashgaz,  etc. — 
'2'C'  is  for  n'Jil',  as  in  Xeh.  iii.  30;  another  part 
of  the  harem  which  was  occupied  by  the  concu- 
bines. Shaashgaz.  who  had  the  special  over- 
sight over  the  concubines,  may  have  been  a 
subordinate  officer.  She  came  in  unto  the 
king  no  more,  except  the  king,  etc. — We 
find  that  DN^DJ  is  in  other  good  MSS.  also 
written  with  the  usual  punctuation  DX^pJ. 

Following  ver.  15  we  have  Esther's  conduct 
and  success.  Now  when  the  turn  of  Es- 
ther, the  daughter  of  Ahihail,  the  uncle 
of  Mordecai,  who  had  taken  her  for  his 
daughter,  was  come,  etc.  Thus  fully  is  this 
account  given,  since  now  the  decisive  moment 
had  come,  in  which  she  should  come  into  such 
an  important  relation  to  her  people.  She  re- 
quired nothing  but  what  Hegai  the  king's 
chamberlain,  the  keeper  of  the  -women, 
appointed. — Not,  perhaps,  because  of  shrewd- 
ness, as  if  she  depended  on  the  fact  that  Hegai 
understood  best  the  taste  of  the  king;  she  did 
not  design  to  please  the  king  by  means  of  orna- 
mentation, and  only  put   on  what   was    deemed 


44 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


indispensable  by  Hegai.*  And  Esther  ob- 
tained favor  in  the  sight  of  all  them  that 
looked  upon  her. — She  was  attractive,  sc.  in 
this  momentous  hour,     tn  Nii'J,    like  IDfl  Sii'J 

I  "  T  1  V   V  T  Tj 

in  ver.  9. — [Ver.  16.  The  month  Tebeth.-- 
"This  word,  which  does  not  occur  elsewhere  in 
Scripture,  is  siugularly  like  that  of  the  corres- 
ponding Egyptian  month,  Tobi  or  Tubai.  A 
name  but  slightly  different  is  found  in  the  Pal- 
myrian  inscriptions  (Gesenius,  Thesaur,  p.  543). 
Tebeth  corresponded  nearly  to  our  January." — 
Rawlinson.] 

Ver.  17.  And  the  king  loved  Esther, 
and  made  her  queen  instead  of  Vashti : 
no  doubt  at  the  time  of  the  first  interview. 

Ver.  18.  In  addition  he  also  made  a  joyous 
marriage-feast,  viz. :  a  great  feast  unto  all 
his  princes  and  his  servants  (even)  Es- 
ther's feast. — Perhaps  such  a  feast,  named  in 
honor  of  the  queen,  was  a  custom  on  these  occa- 
sions, and  its  import  is  this:  Esther's  marriage 
with  the  king  was  thereby  celebrated  in  due 
form.  To  this  it  may  be  added  that  Ahasuerus 
gave  to  the  provinces  a  release,  and  gave 
gifts,  according  to  the  state  of  the  king. — 
The  verbal  form  of  the  Hiphil  of  nnjn  in  Chal- 

r  tt-: 

dee  may  mean  a  release  from  taxes;  the  Sept.  has 
it  more  indefinilely  as  aipeaic..  But  the  Vulg. 
has  it  requies,  as  if  it  meant  only  a  day  of  rest, 
for  which  iltyj?  may  be  more  appropriate. 
JINtyip,  according  to  Amos  v.  11 ;  Jer.  xl.  5,  is  a 
gift  of  corn  or  articles  of  food.  }/5U  TP>  as 
in  chap.  i.  7. 

Vers.  19-23.  The  author  connects  with  the 
elevation  of  Esther  a  meritorious  act  of  Morde- 
cai,  namely,  the  discovery  of  a  conspiracy 
against  the  life  of  Ahasuerus.  This  fact,  though 
not  at  once  apparent  as  to  its  present  bearing, 
became  of  very  great  importance  in  the  history 
yet  to  be  developed.  And  it  could  even  now 
serve  to  confirm  the  hope,  by  means  of  Esther's 
elevation,  that  henceforth  an  especially  good 
time  was  coming  for  Judaism  in  Persia.  Mor- 
decai,  who  had  previously  shown  himself  a 
very  shrewd  man,  now  also  reveals  himself  as  a 
righteous  subject.  It  seems  that  he,  even  more 
than  Esther,  was  to  be  celebrated.  The  intro- 
ductory sentences  in  vers.  19  and  20  are  very 
obscure.  And  when  the  virgins  were  ga- 
thered together  the  second  time,  then 
Mordecai  sat  in  the  king's  gate. — It  may 
be  asked  what  is  meant  by  this  second  gather- 
ing of  virgins.  Clericus  thinks  "  they  seem  on 
the  first  occasion  to  have  been  collected  into  the 
various  provinces,  and  afterwards  at  Susa, 
before  they  were  introduced  into  the  royal 
gynocsrum.  The  writer  returns  to  what  had 
happened  before  the  marriage  of  Esther."  So 
likewise  Grotius:  "It  is  an  exdvodoc.  or  retro- 
gression; for  reference  is  made  to  the  incidents 
in  chap.  ii.  2." 

*  ["  No  doubt  the  virgins  generally  took  the  opportu- 
nity— one  that  would  occur  but  once  in  their  lives— to 
load  themselves  with  precious  ornaments  of  various 
kinds,  neck-laces,  bracelets,  ear-rings,  anklets  and  the 
like-.  Esther  allowed  Hegai  to  dress  her  as  he  would." 
— Rawlinson.  Thus,  as  ever,  it  proved  that  true  piety 
is  the  highest  ornament,  even  in  a  heathen's  sight; 
and  modesty  is  the  brightest  jewel  of  female  beauty  (1 
Pet.  iii.  3.  4/.J- Tr.] 


But  the  word  IY1&  does  not  well  correspond   to 
this,  nor  the  circumstance  that,  now,  according 
to  ver.  20  sqq.,  Esther    is    already    queen;    so 
that  Mordecai  now  no  more  takes  his  post  at  the 
inclosure  of  the  house  of  the  women,  but  in  the 
gate  of  the  king,  and  thus   through   him   she  is 
enabled  to  give  information  to  Ahasuerus.     Dru- 
sius  and  Bertheau  assume  that  the  writer  speaks 
here  of  the  gathering  or  transfer  of  those  maids 
who  had  been  with  the  king  into  the  other  part 
of  the  house  of  the  women  which  was  under  the 
care  of  Shaashgaz.      Thus  we  may  explain  the 
fact   that   Mordecai    no   longer  walked   up   and 
down  before  the  house  of  the  women,  but  stopped 
in  the  gate  of  the  king,  and  was  at  his  post  when 
the  virgins  were  conducted  from  the  house  of  the 
king  back  to  the  house  of  the  women,  where  he 
might  expect  that  Esther  would  pass,   since  as 
the  beloved   queen   she  frequently   came  to  the 
king.     But  then  we  would  not  read  of  a  gather- 
ing, especially  one  of  virgins,  J11  Hfi3-     Besides 
JVJEf  does  not  well  have  a  place  in  this  explana- 
tion, and   the  idea  that  in  the  gate  of  the  king 
one  would  be  nearer  to  the  women  when  return- 
ing from   the  king's  palace  is  incorrect.      The 
choice  of  the  same  expression  ]'3p.  which  was 
employed  in  verses  3  and  8  with  reference  to  the 
first  collection  of  women,  as  well  as   then  HUt^. 
leads  to  the  sense,  as  is  recognised  by  Corn.  a  La- 
pide,  as  also  by  more  modern  expositors,  Keil 
included,  that  after  the  elevation  of  Esther  a  still 
further  collection  of  virgins  was  made,  perhaps 
of  such  as  came  from  distant  provinces,  and  who 
arrived  later.     We  must  keep  in  mind  that  the 
selection  of  Esther  did  not  prohibit   Ahasuerus 
from  loving  other  virgins  also  and  crowning  them 
queens,  even  though  she  bad  the  preference  be- 
fore all  the  others.     Solomon  nad  seven  hundred 
queens  and  three  hundred  concubines.     The  lat- 
ter  were    only    secuvdari;?    mores    (concubines). 
Then  it  may  further  be  asked.  What  purpose  was 
served  by  the  mention  of  the  second  gathering  in 
this  connection  ?     Keil's  assumption  that  thereby 
the  period  of  the  history  following  is  designated, 
is  insufficient,  especially   since  it  does  not  well 
serve  as  a  designation  of  a  period  of  time.     The 
words  immediately  following  make  it  probable 
that  it  was  intended  thereby  to  express  how  Mor- 
decai could  before  this  remain  the  more  readily 
and  oftener  at  his  post  in  the  gate  of  the  king 
without  attracting  attention,  or  even  without  re- 
gard being  paid  to  him.     It  may  be  assumed  that 
at  that  time  people  did  often  come  to  the  gate  of 
the  king  except  when   the  virgins  had  arrived, 
and  in  order  to  see  them,  while  at  other  times 
they  remained  away.      Usually,  however,  it  was 
the  seat  for  the  officials,  whether  high  or  low  in 
position   (comp.  chap.  iii.  2,  3.  and  Dan.  ii.  49; 
also   Xenophon's   Ct/rop.    VIII.,   1,   6;     Herodot. 
II.,  120).     We  find  nothing  leading  us  to  suppose 
that  Mordecai  was  already  an  officer  of  the  court, 
and  as  such  had  a  place  in  the  gate.      If  such  had 
been  the  case  it  would  have  been  mentioned,  since, 
as  an  explanation  to  sitting  in  the  king's  gate,  it 
was  essential  to  the  matter  in  hand.    But.  in  chap, 
iii.  2,  we  again  find  him   sitting  in   the    king's 
gate,  and  that  too,  day  after  day.     This  may  be 
accounted  for.      We  may  assume  that,  in  conse- 


CHAP.  II.  1-23. 


45 


quenoe  of  the  event  shited  of  liim  in  this  place, 
he  had  in  a  certain  sense  obtained  the  right  to 
stand  among  the  servants  of  the  king  who  had 
their  position  there.  A  confirmation  of  this  view 
may  be  found  in  ver.  20,  the  object  of  which, 
without  this  connection,  will  remain  obscure. 
Esther  had  not  (yet)  shewed  her  kindred 
nor  her  people,  etc.  If  we  look  at  what  fol- 
lows, where  the  door-keepers  did  not  pay  much 
regard  to  him,  the  sense  seems  to  be:  Mordecai 
did  not  remain  there  as  the  foster-father  of 
Esther,  for  as  such  he  would  have  been  a  distin- 
guished personage,  and  one  to  be  feared,  but 
simply  as  an  unimportant  stranger.  The  refe- 
rence is  clearly  to  ver.  10.  The  author,  in  the 
repetition  of  this  remark,  and  as  is  also  clearly 
shown  by  the  use  of  the  participle,  desires  to  in- 
dicate that  Esther,  as  from  the  first  so  now  also, 
maintained  a  strict  secrecy,  even  after  having 
become  queen.  Besides,  the  position  of  the  word 
rWVOto  is  notable.  JVPio.  in  distinction  from 
D>.  signifies  the  family  connection  or  relation- 
ship, kindred.  This  is  here  placed  first,  because 
the  relation  of  Esther  to  Mordecai  is  under  con- 
sideration. The  strong  emphasis  laid  on  the  fact 
that,  Mordecai  had  so  instructed  her,  that  she 
only  carried  out  his  wishes,  as  when  she  was 
under  his  care,  seems  to  oppose  the  opinion  that 
she  did  it  from  other  reasons,  as  that  she  was 
ashamed  of  her  descent,  and  hence  kept  silence. 
Ti^N3     here  means  "like  as  when;"   comp.  Job 

x.  19,  where  it.  signifies  "as  if."  njON,  educa- 
tion, care,  has  the  raphe  over  the  il,  so  that  the 
ending  may  not  be  taken  for  a  suffix. 

Vers.  21-23.  In  these  days  when  Mordecai 
eat  in  the  gate  of  the  king,  Bigthan  and  Te- 
resh.*  two  of  the  king's  chamberlains,  of 
those  which  kept  the  door  (Sept.  apxiou- 
paro^r/ane*),  or  watchmen  of  the  palace  (comp. 
2  Kings  xii.  10),  were  ■wroth,  became  angry 
(^yp),  and  sought  to  lay  hand  on  the  kingf 
Contrary  to  ver.  20  the  Sept.  adds:  Because  Mor- 
decai had  hecome  distinguishod.  But  the  matter 
became  known  to  Mordecai  in  some  w:iy,  accord- 
ing to  Josephus  through  the  Jewish  slave  of  one 
of  the  conspirators;  in  truth,  perhaps,  because 
the  lower  officers,  who  had  become  party  to  the 
conspiracy,  did  not  exercise  sufficient  discretion. 
Mordecai,  through  Esther,  gave  the  king  notice 
thereof. 

Ver.  23.  The  matter  was  investigated,  and  it 
was  so  found,  i.  e„  established,  and  they  were 
both  hanged  on  a  tree,  i.  e.,  they  were  hung 
on  a  stake,  or  impaled;  a  customary  mode  of 
crucifixion  (comp.  chaps,  v.  14;  vi.  4;  vii.  9,  10; 
Ezra  vi.  11;  and  Herodot.  III.,  125). J  These 
events  were  recorded  in  the  book  of  the  history 
of  the  reign,  i.  e..  in   the   chronicles   of  the  em- 

*  f'Biathan  'the  Bigtha  nf  ch.  i.  10)  is  probably  the 
Old- Persian  Banadann,  i.  t\,  God-given.  Teresh  is  by  some 
derived  from  tars,  'to  fear;'  but  it  is  more  like  a  foreign 
than  a  Persian  name."  Rawlinson. — Tr.] 

t  ["Conspiracies  inside  the  palace  were  ordinary  oc- 
currences in  Persia.  Xerxes  was  ultimately  murdered 
by  Artabanus  the  captain  of  the  guard,  and  Asparnitras. 
a  chamberlain  and  eunuch  (Ctesias,  P't.s..  ?  '2'.t:  Diod. 
Sic.  XI.,  69,211.  A  similar  fat-'  befell  Artaxerxes  Octius." 
K\WLtNS0N.— Tr.] 

X  [Especially  "  of  rebels  and  traitors  in  Persia  fsee 
II  ;rod.  III..  159;  IV..  43:  and  the  Behistun  Inscription, 
passim)."  Rawlissgn. — Tr.] 


pirc  (comp.  chaps,  vi.  1  ;  x.  2;  Ezra  iv.  15).  and 
that  before  the  king,  which  may  mean,  either 
in  his  presence,  so  that  he  might  be  assured  of 
their  correct  insertion,  or  that  the  chronicles  of 
the  empire  were  deposited  before  him,  in  his 
palace  (comp.  chap.  vi.  1).  It  was  a  Persian  cus- 
tom to  insert  the  names  of  those  into  the  chroui- 
eles  of  the  empire,  who  had  deserved  well  of  the 
king,  as  is  confirmed  by  Herodot.  VIII.,  85.  He 
also  relates  that  Xerxes,  on  his  campaign  against 
Greece,  had  historians  in  his  train,  who  were  re- 
quired to  record  the  deeds  of  the  Persians  in  a 
book.* 

DOCTRINAL,   AND   ETHICAL. 

It  is  of  the  every-day  life  of  a  purely  worldly, 
of  a  heathen  court,  that  the  author  of  our  chapter 
treats.  This  moves  in  the  high  places  of  this 
world,  and  yet  it  is  a  very  low  life.  Ahasuerus 
begins  to  feel  the  loss  which  he  has  brought  on 
himself  by  the  rejection  of  his  wife,  and  his  cour- 
tiers advise  him  to  procure  for  his  lust  another, 
most  liberal  indulgence.  He  lends  an  ear  to  their 
suggestion,  and  orders  what  might  be  expected 
to  follow  as  a  matter  of  course.  Nothing  seems 
more  improbable  in  these  events  than  a  divine 
coutrol  and  government;  and  we  would  hardly 
be  led  to  expect  the  thoughts  and  guidance  of 
God  under  such  circumstances.  Yet  we  are  soon 
made  aware  that  we  are  standing  right  in  the 
midst  of  divine  providence.  Independent  as  the 
world  may  appear  in  its  outward  life  still  the 
Lord  knows  how  to  make  even  the  lowest  im- 
pulses and  movements  —  indeed  even  the  sin 
present  in  them— serviceable  to  His  purposes. 
While  on  the  one  side  Ahasuerus  desires  nothing 
but  to  find  the  most  beautiful  of  virgins,  God  on 
the  other  side  places  Esther  in  the  right  position, 
and  through  her  brings  help  and  protection  to 
His  people  in  the  face  of  the  dangers  that  threaten 
them  on  the  part  of  the  world.  He  permits  His 
people  to  become  involved  in  the  low  life  of  the 
world,  nay.  He  has  humbled  them  to  such  an  ex- 
tent that  even  their  virgins  must  be  brought  to 
Shushan  at  the  king's  command.  But  in  thus 
revealing  the  full  depth  of  their  degradation  He 
also  begins  again  to  elevate  them.  Besides,  it  is 
remarkable,  how  the  life  of  human  love,  even  in 
its  sunken  state,  can  illustrate  the  work  of  divine 
Love.  For  just  as  Ahasuerus  caused  virgins  to 
be  brought  together  from  all  peoples  and  tribes, 
in  order  to  select  the  most  heauhful  for  himself, 
so  God  has  in  a  certain  9ense  tested  all  the  peo- 
ples of  mankind  to  see  if  He  could  find  one  that 
would  be  peculiarly  His  own.  And  then,  in 
preference  to  all  others,  however  many  there 
might  be,  and  however  many  excellencies  they 
might  have  in  certain  directions.  He  would  select 
the  one  least  noticed  as  His  bride  and  spouse. 

On  vers.  1-7.  The  author  permits  us  here  to 
take  a  hasty  but  deep  insight  into  the  domestic 
life  of  a  powerful  and  wealthy  heathen  ruler, 
who  lives  in  the  world  merely  to  live,  and  on  the 
other  hand  he  gives  us  a  view  into  the  every-day 
life  of  a  seemingly  poor  Jew,  who  is  also  despised 
in  the  common  lot  of  his  people,  but  who  never- 
theless incontestahly  stands  under  the  blessing 


*  ["These  royal  chronicles  were  distinctly  mentioned 
by  Cteaias,  who  said  that  he  drew  his  Persian  history 
from  them  (Diod.  Sic.  II.,  32)."  Rawusso.m.— Te.J 


46 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


of  his  fathers.  Ahasuerus,  amid  all  his  wealth 
and  splendor,  feels  an  oppressive  want.  He  re- 
members his  wife  whom  he  has  rejected,  and  es- 
pecially regrets  the  wrong  which  he  has  done  her. 
Without  doubt  the  feeling  gains  a  place  in  him 
that  the  loss  of  a  personal  being  whom  he  could 
call  peculiarly  his  own,  was  a  loss  which  could 
not  be  made  good  by  any  other  possession,  how- 
ever precious.  And  the  wrong  whicli  he  thinks 
he  had  experienced  from  her,  is,  like  all  the 
wrongs  of  men  of  the  world  of  which  they  accuse 
each  "other,  rather  of  a  doubtful  kind.  It  may 
be  a  question  whether  it  could  not  have  been  ex- 
cused, or  even  taken  in  a  good  sense.  In  truth 
it  was  only  because  of  his  despotic  and  mistaken 
view  of  common  rights,  which  even  the  wife  has, 
that  caused  him  to  reject  her.  He  had  trampled 
under  foot  her  feminine  feelings.  Nevertheless 
she  was  now  for  ever  lost  to  him.  He  was  not 
prudent,  not  cautious  enough.  He  must  even 
confess  to  himself  that  though  he  had  consulted 
his  counsellors,  he  still  had  acted  in  a  passionate 
manner,  and  given  too  free  a  rein  to  his  wrath. 
Though  surrounded  by  affluence,  he  is  yet  dis- 
contented, more  especially  with  himself;  he  is 
filled  with  vexation  and  conflict,  though  no  one 
has  dared  to  oppose  him.  Of  course  there  are 
not  wanting  those  who  recommend  to  him  means 
and  ways  for  shaking  off  this  oppressive  feeling. 
One  thing,  however,  is  evident:  he  cannot  attain 
to  a  true  satisfaction  in  the  manner  which  they 
recommend  to  him  as  regards  the  points  in  ques- 
tion. This  can  only  be  brought  about  by  true 
love.  But  love,  as  is  beautifully  shown  and  car- 
ried out  in  Canticles,  cannot  be  commanded  nor 
yet  purchased;  it  can  only  be  won,  and  can  only 
be  brought  into  life  and  sustained  by  true  love's 
labor.  The  view  into  the  domestic  life  of  Aha- 
suerus is,  therefore,  a  view  of  the  brilliant,  but 
hopeless  misery  of  heathendom,  which  only  de- 
ceives the  sensual  fool  with  reference  to  its  true 
nature,  but  which  convinces  those  more  circum- 
spect of  the  poverty  of  those  living  without  God 
in  the  world. 

How  different  a  picture  is  presented  to  us  in 
the  domestic  life  of  Mordecai !  Mordecai  is  a 
lowly  descendant  of  a  formerly  distinguished, 
indeed  royal  family.  He  belongs  to  the  scattered 
foreigners  fallen  under  contempt,  who  were  car- 
ried away  captives  from  Jerusalem.  He  is  in  a 
strange  land.  He  has,  it  appears,  neither  father 
nor  mother,  neither  wife  nor  child.  Even  his 
relatives,  his  uncle  and  his  aunt,  are  dead.  But 
the  latter  left  an  orphan;  he  is  to  her  a  father, 
she  to  him  a  daughter,  indeed  a  precious  trea- 
sure. Doubtless  he  is  aware  how  great  a  trust 
was  left  to  him  in  her  and  with  her,  how  God  is 
justly  called  the  Father  of  orphans,  and  that  He 
especially  blesses  those  who  pity  and  minister  to 
them.  He  knows  his  duty  toward  her,  and  its 
fulfilment  brings  to  him  satisfaction,  makes  him 
happy.  God  has  blessed  her  with  beauty,  but 
what  is  more,  He  has  bestowed  on  her  an  obe- 
dient, humble,  and  unassuming  spirit,  as  is  after- 
ward fully  shown  by  her  conduct  in  the  royal 
bouse  of  I  he  women,  and  as  had  doubtless  been 
often  manifested  before.  She  loves  her  people, 
and  surely  also  its  customs,  laws,  and  rpligion. 
Thus  she  is  to  him  indeed  a  Hadassah,  a  myrtle 
in  the  true  sense  of  the  word,  an  unpromising 


and  yet  promising  bud.  Indeed  to  him  she  has 
developed  into  a  lovely  flower  of  hope  ;  and 
though  it  happen  that  she  is  taken  into  the  royal 
house  of  the  women,  she  will  still  be  to  him  a 
lovely  flower,  whose  presence  he  Beeks,  whose 
prosperity  lies  at  his  heart  day  by  day,  whose 
development  will  cause  him  10  rejoice.  Again 
she  will  more  and  more  become  to  him  a  brilliant 
slur,  an  Esther  (aster),  in  whose  light  he  views 
his  own  and  his  people's  future.  In  this  manner 
his  life  is  not  poor,  though  he  appear  insignifi- 
cant and  obscure,  though  it  be  filled  with  pain- 
ful reminiscences  and  great  perplexities  which 
lie  must  combat  daily  in  his  heathen  surround- 
ings. On  the  contrary  he  is  rich  in  light  and 
hope;  and  even  if  he  had  realized  the  latter  in  a 
less  degree  than  he  eventually  did,  still  his  ex- 
istence would  not  have  been  in  vain. 

On  vers  8-11.  That  which  gave  Esther  dis- 
tinction above  all  the  other  virgins,  who  were  at 
the  same  time  selected  with  her,  and  whereby  she 
obtained  first  the  favor  of  the  keeper  uf  the  ha- 
rem, and  then  the  love  of  Ahasuerus,  was  cer- 
tainly not  merely  greater  personal  beauty.  This 
would  hardly  have  made  such  a  favorable  im- 
pression upon  the  eunuch.  But  it  was  rather 
a  certain  graciousness  of  being  and  carriage, 
which  could  only  be  preBent  where  the  spiritual 
element  does  not  occupy  a  lower  plane  than  the 
physical,  as  was  the  fact  with  most.  Persian 
poorly-trained  maidens,  but  rather  where  the 
spiritual  element  elevates  and  transfigures  the 
mere  bodily  element.  This  grace  had  its  ground 
partly  in  her  fortune,  but  also  for  a  great  part 
in  the  spiritual  nature  of  Judaism  through  the 
blessing  of  an  adoration  of  the  true,  exalted,  and 
spiritual  God.  It  was  therefore  not  without 
reason  that  the  then  existing  Jews  thought  them- 
selves recognised  and  honored  in  the  preference 
of  Esther,  which,  no  doubt,  they  did  to  its  full 
extent.  They  all  more  or  less  participated  in 
her  spiritual  advantages,  or  at  least  all  could  or 
should  have  participated  in  them.  This,  how- 
ever, affords  little  ground  for  beholding  in  the 
victory  she  won  an  indication  of  the  triumph 
which  Judaism,  then  so  oppressed  and  despised, 
should  obtain  over  proud  heathendom  at  large. 
Nevertheless  in  the  before  insignificant  but  lovely 
Hadassah,  who  is  now  the  powerful  Esther,  we 
see  a  symbol  of  the  weaker  but  better  element  in 
Israel  perfecting  itself  as  the  powerful  commu- 
nity of  the  Spirit  in  the  Christian  church,  which 
will  yet  conquer  the  world. 

Luther:  '-Whatever  heart  is  thus  minded,  will 
bear  ornamentation  without  danger  to  itself:  for 
it  bears  and  yet  does  not  bear,  dances  and  yet 
.lances  not,  lives  well  and  yet  not  well.  These 
are  the  heavenly  souls,  the  sacred  brides  of 
Christ;  but  they  are  scarce.  For  it  is  difficult 
not  to  have  a  lust  for  great  ornamentation  and 
display."  Stolbebq:  "  Undazzled  by  splendor 
and  royalty,  the  tender  virgin  rejected  all  these 
things.  With  noble  simplicity  she  took  the 
ornaments,  neither  selecting  nor  demanding 
mything,  which  the  chief  chamberlain  brought 
to  her.  Even  after  she  became  queen  above  all 
the  wives  of  the  king,  her  heart  still  clung  not 
only  with  gratitude,  but  with  childlike  obedience, 
to  her  pious  uncle  anil  foster-father,  as  in  the 
time  when  he  trained  her  as  a  little  girl." 


CHAP.  II.  1-23. 


47 


On  vers.  12-18.  In  the  small  compass  of  what 
has  here  been  said  respecting  heathen  virgins  on 
the  one  hand  and  Esther  on  the  other,  we  find  a 
beautiful  picture  of  the  world  and  of  the  king- 
dom of  God — the  opposite  tendencies  as  also 
destinies,  by  which  these  conceptions  are  desig- 
nated. Doubtless  the  heathen  maids  decorated 
themselves  with  all  possible  precious  things,  for 
the  evening  for  which  they  bad  so  long  prepared 
themselves  by  their  purifications  and  anointings, 
in  order  to  make  the  best  possible  impression 
upon  Ahasuerus,  upon  whose  favor  or  disfavor 
their  whole  future  happiness  of  life  depended. 
But  by  all  this  tinsel  they  gained  nothing  more 
than  to  look  beautiful  in  their  own  eyes,  and 
that  for  a  moment  which  flew  away  so  soon,  and 
in  which  they  were  allowed  to  harbor  hope.  The 
majority  were  ouly  permitted  to  see  the  king,  and 
thereafter  for  ever  to  bury  their  hopes.  For 
them  there  remained  the  sad  lot  of  the  concu- 
biues;  they  must  hid  farewell  to  the  joys  which 
they  might  have  had  in  another  sphere  of  life, 
without  obtaining  any  compensation  for  that  loss 
in  their  strict  seclusion.  The  elevated  feeling 
that  they  had  fulfilled  their  life-work  must  for 
ever  be  denied  them.  They  had  missed  their 
life-purpose;  life  became  to  them  more  and  more 
a  uniform  dark  monotony.  In  like  manner  the 
children  of  this  world  act  and  deceive  themselves. 
Although  they  are  firmly  intent  on  enjoying  the 
pleasures  of  life,  although  they  direct  all  their 
endeavors  to  this  one  object,  and  prepare  and 
decorate  themselves  in  their  way  at  their  very 
best,  still  they  enjoy  it  but  for  a  single  fleeting 
moment.  Esther,  on  the  other  hand,  was  distin- 
guished by  her  lack  of  desire  or  claim  to  shine 
in  external  decoration.  She  only  put  on,  what 
so  to  speak,  was  forced  upon  her.  But  she  was 
thereafter  beautiful  not  only  in  her  own  eyes, 
but  in  the  eyes  of  all  that  beheld  her. 

Thus  also  her  fortune  was  not  a  speedy  disap- 
pointment; she  really  obtained,  not  what  she 
had  desired,  but  what  she  had  never  hoped  nor 
expected.  She  really  obtained  a  favorable  in- 
tercourse with  the  king;  she  became  his  choice, 
his  wife,  she  became  queen.  All  these  things 
plainly  indicate  that  she  possessed  in  an  unusual 
degree  God's  favor  and  friendship,  which  still 
accompanied  her.  The  children  of  God  enjoy  a 
still  higher  happiness.  They  who  reckon  it  to 
be  a  great  favor  to  serve  God  in  all  simplicity, 
yea  to  be  even  door-keepers  in  His  sanctuary,  are 
made  His  chosen  and  loved  ones,  if  in  other  re- 
spects they  have  properly  decorated  themselves 
for  Him.  He  adopts  them  a?  His  children,  and 
cares  for  them  according  to  what  is  needful  for 
them,  even  with  temporal  blessings;  for  the  meek 
shall  inherit  the  earth.  He  also  elevates  them 
to  kings  and  priests,  and  adorns  them  with  the 
crown  of  life,  for  He  brings  them  to  the  inheri- 
tance which  is  incorruptible,  undented,  and  that, 
fadeth  not  away,  reserved  in  heaven  for  them 
(comp.  1  Pet.  iii.  3;  i.  7). 

On  vers.  17,  18.  It  is  quite  possible  that  Aha 
suerus  did  not  clearly  know  why  Esther  was  pre- 
ferred before  her  heathen  virgin  competitors,  anil 
what  he  was  pleased  with  in  her,  why  he  crowned 
her  as  his  queen.  Still  we  can  readily  discover 
in  his  demeanor  an  indication  that  heathenism  is 
always  desirous,  even  when  it  has  tasted  to  the 


full  all  that  it  can  procure  for  its  own  enjoy- 
ment to  obtain  somethiug  different  and  higher. 
Certain  it  is  that  these  higher  needs,  which  could 
be  satisfied  with  nothing  low,  and  which  exhibited 
a  higher  receptivity,  should  arrive  at  this  point. 
It  was  meet  also  that  the  heathen  should  see  the 
fact  fulfilled,  that  they  themselves,  their  heathen 
kings  and  princes  must  pay  homage  to  the  people 
of  the  Lord,  as  to  a  queen  who  above  all  is 
worthy  to  be  placed  upon  the  throne,  and  to  im- 
part to  the  world  her  laws  and  ordinances  (cotnp. 
Isa.  xlix.  23;  lxii.  4  sqq.).  When  this  shall  be 
entirely  fulfilled,  then  the  marriage-feast  which 
Ahasuerus  made  in  honor  of  queen  Esther,  with 
the  edict  proclaiming  a  temporary  freedom  from 
taxation  of  the  people,  and  the  relief  from  their 
oppressive  yoke  granted  at  the  same  time,  shall 
correspond  to  the  entire  life  of  mankind. 

On  vers.  19-23.  1.  Esther  was  silent  in  regard  to 
her  Jewish  descent  and  religion,  and  this  was 
permissible  so  long  as  she  was  not  asked  to  reveal 
it,  so  long  also  as  the  weal  of  her  people  did  not 
require  a  different  course.  This  she  could  the 
more  readily  do,  inasmuch  as  the  Old  Testament 
religion,  by  reason  of  its  limitation,  did  not  im- 
pose the  duty  of  a  missionary  confession.  Even 
the  Christian  can  keep  his  faith  out  of  sight  so 
long  as  its  confession  will  not  benefit,  but  would 
rather  do  injury,  and  so  long  as  the  duty  of  ve- 
racity is  not  violated.  At  all  events  the  mar- 
tyr's crown,  if  it  is  not  hastily  seized,  bat  rather 
borne  with  dignity,  is  far  more  glorious  than  a 
royal  crown.  Yet  true  faith  will  manifest  its 
world-conquering  power,  and  be  encouraging  to 
its  devotees  only  when  it  is  openly  confessed, 
though  its  confessors  stand  at  the  martyr's  stake, 
or  die  by  the  claws  of  wild  beasts. 

2.  Nothing  justifies  us  in  assuming  that  Mor- 
deeai  reported  those  conspirators  because  of 
selfish  reasons,  or  in  order  to  gain  distinction 
ami  merit,  or  because  Ahasuerus  as  the  husband 
of  Esther  was  nearly  related  to  himself.  Be- 
sides being  an  indication,  it  may  be  an  expres- 
sion of  shrewdness,  of  his  sense  of  duty.  Al- 
though the  Jew  as  such  did  not  have  a  very 
warm  feeling  of  attachment  to  the  Persian  king, 
still,  in  so  far  as  he  lived  according  to  the  divine 
Word,  he  sought  to  perform  his  obligations  also 
toward  the  heathen  governmental  authority 
(comp.  Jer.  xxix.  7).  Thereby  he  also  becomes 
a  practical  illustration  of  the  fact  that  the  piety 
which  is  nurtured  by  God's  Word  is  also  of  bene- 
fit to  the  heathen  state  and  to  heathen  rulers. 
The  governments  of  modern  times,  which  treat 
religion  not  only  with  toleration  but  also  with 
indifference,  should  remember  that  godly  fear, 
as  it  is  useful  for  all  things,  is  also  the  most  sub- 
stantial bulwark  for  the  continuance  of  the  state. 

Bbenz:  '•  We  have  here  a  daughter  bereft  of 
the  protection  of  man  by  the  death  of  her  pa- 
rents, but  God  elevated  her  to  great  distinction, 
so  that  all  men  gave  her  honor.  Why  was  she 
carried  into  exile,  but  that  she  should  reign  ? 
why  bereft  of  parents,  unless  that  she  might  be- 
come the  favorite  of  God  and  man?  ' 

Fr.i'ARr>r.NT:  On  vers.  8.  9.  "From  this  it  may 
be  concluded,  as  later  is  actually  affirmed  by 
Paul,  (hat  God  hath  chosen  the  foolish  things  of 
the  world  to  confound  the  wi^e:  and  the  weak 
things  of  the  world  to  confound  the  things  which 


48 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


are  mighty;  and  the  base  things  of  the  world, 
and  (lungs  which  are  despised,  and  things  which 
are  not,  to  bring  to  naught  things  that  are:  that 
no  flesh  should  glory  in  His  presence.  For  what 
is  weaker  than  a  little  girl,  or  what  more  lowly 
and  contemptible  than  an  exiled  orphan,  born 
among  a  people  of  all  other  nations  the  most  ig- 
nored and  hated?  What,  on  the  other  hand,  in 
the  estimation  of  the  flesh  and  this  world,  is 
more  wise  and  prudent,  more  glorious  and  pow- 
erful than  Ahasuerus,  Vashti,  Haman  and  the 
other  Persian  and  Median  satraps?  Yet  by  the 
means  of  a  single  person,  Esther,  they  are  con- 
founded, superseded,  ejected.  By  her  office,  I 
said,  but  by  the  help  of  God,  although  by  the 
authority  and  arrangement  of  judges,  of  whom 
Esther  was  only  the  organ;  lest  the  flesh  should 
have  aught  whereof  to  glory,  but  that  all  the 
praise  of  the  church  preserved  in  the  Persian 
realms  should  be  referred  to  God  He  was  able, 
as  in  former  days,  so  to  have  rallied  under  a 
brave  Samson  or  Gideon  His  entire  people  scat- 
tered hither  and  thither,  and  to  have  fortified 
them  with  arms  and  strength,  as  to  destroy  by 
mutual  slaughter  all  His  foes  when  the  great 
battle  was  joined;  but  in  that  case  men  would 
have  arrogated  something  to  themselves,  and 
perhaps  have  said:  Our  own  right  hand,  and  not 
God,  has  done  all  this." — On  ver.  15:  "Let  then 
both  men  and  women  learn  by  this  case  so  to 
direct  all  their  aims  and  desires  as  to  please  God 
alone  by  the  ornament  of  a  good  conscience  and 
by  the  forms  of  minds  well  adjusted;  but  to  de- 
spise the  adventitious  bodily  ornaments  of  this 
world  as  vain  in  His  sight,  and  by  this  piety 
gain  the  surer  rewards  of  heaven.     For   this 


alone  is  the  true  beauty,  which  is  precious  in 
God's  view,  and  which  causes  us  to  be  approved 
by  the  King  of  kings,  and  joined  to  Him  in  spi- 
ritual matrimony Surprising   that   even 

the  heathen  saw  and  taught  this.  For  Crates 
says:  'That  is  ornament  which  adorns.  But 
that  adorns  which  makes  a  woman  more  adjusted 
and  more  modest.  For  this  end  neither  gold  nor 
gems  nor  purple  avails,  but  whatever  has  the 
import  of  gravity,  modesty,  and  chastity.'  " 

Starke:  On  ver.  1.  "Whatever  has  been  un- 
dertaken in  anger  against  God's  command  can 
well  be  changed  (1  Sam.  xxv.  31,  35)." — On  ver 
2.  "To  heap  sin  on  sin  is  the  master  work  of 
art  of  all  ungodly  persons  (2  Sam.  xv.  1 ;  xvi. 
22;  Isa.  xxx.  1;  Jer.  ix.  3)." — On  vers.  3,  4. 
'•The  advice  of  courtiers  is  most  generally  di- 
rected towards  the  object  to  which  they  think 
their  lords  are  chiefly  inclined,  and  they  speak 
to  their  wishes  (2  Sam.  xv.  4;  xvi.  21).  Carnal 
ears  love  to  hear  nothing  better  than  what  will 
please  their  lustful  hearts  (2  Sam.  xvi.  22)." — 
On  vers.  5-7.  "When  orphans  fear  God,  He  will 
also  care  for  them  (Ps.  xxvii.  10)  In  a  pious 
and  virtuous  maiden  beauty  of  person  is  a  great 
gift  of  God  (Prov.  xi.  2).  We  should  not  neglect 
the  orphans  of  blood  relatives.  God  is  the  Fa- 
ther of  orphans  (Ps.  lxviii.  6),  and  He  knows  how 
to  opeu  the  hearts  of  pious  people  who  will  faith- 
fully care  for  them  (Ps.x.  14)."— On  vers.  8,9. 
"  What  care  and  cost  is  required  for  the  decora- 
tion of  the  soul,  when  it  would  prepare  as  an  ac- 
ceptable bride  for  Jesus  (Ps.  xlv.  14.)" — On 
vers.  16,  17.  "God  will  raise  the  miserable  one 
from  the  dust,  so  that  He  may  seat  him  next,  to 
princes  (Ps.  cxiii.  7,  8)." 


B  —HAMAN  ATTAINS   TO  POWER  AND    DISTINCTION.      HE   DETERMINES   UPON   THE 

DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  JEWS. 

Chap.  III.  1-15. 
1.   Haman' s  elevation.     His  res.  Ive  with  reference  to  the  Jews.    Vers.  1-7. 

1  After  these  things  [words]  did  [the]  king  Ahasuerus  promote  [elevated]  Ha- 
inan the  son  of  Hammedatha  the  Agagite,  and  advanced  [make  great]  him,  and  set 

2  [put]  his  seat  above  all  the  princes  that  were  with  him.  And  all  the  king's  ser- 
vants, that  were  in  the  king's  gate,  bowed  [were  bending]  and  reverenced  [bowing 
themselves  to]1  Haman:  for  the  king  had  so  commanded  concerning  [enjoined  for] 
him :  but  [and]  Mordecai  bowed  not  [would  not  bend]  nor  did  him  reverence  [and 

3  would  not  bow  himself]1.  Then  [And]  the  king's  servants,  which  were  in  the  king's 
gate,  said  unto  Mordecai,  Why  transgressest  thou'j  the  king's  commandment? 

4  Now  [And]  it  came  to  pass  [was],  when  they  spake  daily  unto  him,  aud  he  heark- 
ened not  unto  them,  that  [and]  they  told  [it  to]  Haman,  to  see  whether  Mordecai  s 

5  matters  [words]  would  stand :  f  >r  lie  had  told  them  that  he  wws  a  Jow.  _And  uJim 
Haman  saw  that  Mordecai  bowed  not,  nor  did  him  reverence,  then  [aud]  was  Ha- 

6  man  full  of  wrath.3  And  he  thought  scorn  [despised  in  his  eyes]  to  lay  hands 
[hand]  on'  Mordecai  alone ;  for  they  had  showed  [told]  him  the  people  of  Mordecai ; 
wherefore  [and]  Haman  sought  to 'destroy  all  the  Jews  that  were  throughout  [in] 


CHAP.  III.  1-15. 


7  the  whole  kingdom  of  Ahasuerus,  even  the  people  of  Mordeeai.  In  the  first  month, 
(that  is  the  month  Nisan,)  in  the  twelfth  year  of  king  Ahasuerus,  they  cast4  Pur, 
that  is,  the  lot,  before  Hainan,  from  day  to  day,  and  from  month  to  month,  to  the 
twelfth  month,  that  is  the  month  Adar. 

2.    With  the  permission  of  Ahasuerus  Human  issues  the  deeree  to  exterminate  the  Jews,     Vers.  8—15. 

8  And  Hamau  said  unto  king  Ahasuerus,  Tliere  is5  a  certain  [one]  people  scattered 
abroad  and  dispersed  among  the  people  [peoples]  in  all  (he  provinces  ot  thy  king- 
dom ;  and  their  laws  are  diverse  from  all  [every]  people,  neither  keep  they6  the 
king's  laws,  therefore  [and]  it  is  not  for  the  king's  profit  [fit  for  the  king]  to  suffer 

9  them  [let  them  rest].  If  U  please  the  king,  let  it  be  written  that  they  may  be  de- 
stroyed [to  cause  them  to  perish  J  ;  and  I  will  pay  ten  thousand  talents  of  silver  to 
the  hands  of  those  that  have  the  charge  [the  doers]  of  the  business  [work],  to  bring 

10  it  into  the  king's  treasuries.  And  the  king  took  his  ring  [siguet]  from  [off  ]  his 
hand,  and  gave  it  unto  Haman  the  son  of  Hammedatha   [the  Medatha]  the  Aga- 

11  gite,  the  Jews'  enemy.  And  the  king  said  unto  Haman,  The  silver  is  given  to  thee, 
the  people  also  [and  the  people],  to  do  with  them  [it]  as  it  geemeth  good  to  thee  [in 

12  thy  eyes].  Then  [And]  were  the  king's  scribes  called  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  the 
first  mouth  [in  the  first  month  in  the  thirteenth  day  in  it],  and  there  was  written  ac- 
cording to  all  that  Haman  had  commanded,  unto  the  king's  lieutenants  [satraps], 
and  to  the  governors  [pashas]  that  were  over  every  [each]  province,  and  to  the 
rulers  [princes]  of  every  [each]  people  of  every  [each]  province,7  according  to  the 
writing  thereof,  and  to  every  [each]  people  after  their  [its]  language  ;  in  the  name 
of  [the]  king  Ahasuerus  was  it  written,  and  sealed  with  the  king's  ring  [signet]. 

13  And  the  letters  [books]  were  sent  by  posts  [the  hand  of  the  ruuners]  into  all  the 
king's  provinces,  to  destroy,  to  kill  [smite],  and  to  cause  to  perish  all  Jews,  both 
younj  and  old  [from  lad  even  to  old  man],  little  children8  and  women,  in  one  day, 
even  upon  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  month,  which  is  the  month  Adar,  and  to 

14  take  the  spoil  of  them  for  a  prey.  The  copy  of  the  writing,  for  a  commandment 
[law]  to  be  given  in  every  province,9  was  published  unto  all  people  [the  peoples], 

15  that  they  should  be  [to  be]  ready  against  [for]  that  day.  The  posts  [runners]  went 
out,  being  hastened  by  the  king's  commandment  [word]  ;  and  the  decree  [law]  was 
given  in  Shushan  the  palace  [citadel].  And  the  king  and  Haman  sat  down  to 
drink  ;  but  the  city  Shushan  was  rierplexed. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  2.  The  different  degrees  of  deference  are  well  expressed  by  these  two  terms,  of  which  the  first,  VIS, 
denotes  a  simple  inclination  of  the  body  as  to  an  equal  in  courtesy,  and  the  latter,  nnty,  a  complete  prostration  in 
Oriental  style  of  homage  to  a  superior. — Tr.] 

2  [Ver.  3.  The  pronoun  is  emphatic,  being  expressed— Tr.] 

s  [Ver.  5.  nnin,  a  more  intense  feeling  than  the  ordinary  HX—  Tr.] 

4  [Ver.  7.  7'3n  is  impersonal,  one  caused  to  fall.— Tr.] 

f  [Ver.  8.  ijty'  the  J  is  epenthetic  for  euphony  between  the  verbal  noun  &•  and  its  suffix  V— Tu.] 

•  [Ver.  8.  The  original  is  emphatic.  "And  there  is  none  of  them  doing."  — Tr..; 

»  [Ver.  12.  The  true  construction  is  "  In  province  by  [lit  and]  province  was  it  written;'  etc.— Tr.] 
8  [Ver.  13.  f|t3,  a  collective  term  for  girls  and  boys.— Tit.] 

*  [Ver.  14.  The  original  is  emphatic,  "  In  every  province,  and  province,  i.  c,  severally.— Tr.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 
Vers.  1-7.    The   author    in   very   brief  terms 


Ver.  1.  After  these  things  did  king 
Ahasuerus — in  ver.  7  we  are  in  the  twelfth 
year  of  the  reign  of  Ahasuerus,  five  years  after 
chap.   ii.  16,   but   here   somewhat   sooner — pro- 


places  the  elevation  of  Hainan,  the  Agagite,  by    mote  Haman  the  son  of  Hammedatha.— 

the  side  ot  the  exaltation  of  Esther,  as  shown  in 


the  previous  chapter.  Hence  it  is  the  more 
surprising  that  he  adds  what  we  would  least 
expect  upon  the  elevation  of  Eslher,  namely, 
that  Haman,  provoked  hy  Ihe  apparent  irreve- 
rence  shown   to   him   by   Mordeeai,    resolves   to 


7^J,  usually  used  in  bringing  up  children,  here 
means  to  make  him  a  great  man — and  set  his 
Beat  above  all  the  princes  that  (were) 
with  him,  i.  e.  above  all  those  princes  who 
were  in  his  immediate  presence,  above  his  chief 


destroy  the  Jews.  |  officers.     He  made  him,  so  to  speak,  his  Grand 


60 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHEri. 


Vizier.    Haman  from  humajun=magnus,  auguslus, 
or  according  to  Sanscrit  soman,  meaning  a  wor- 
shipper of  Somar,  was  a  son  of  Hammedatha, 
whose  name  is  formed   from   haomo,  soma,   and 
signifies  one  given  by  the  moon  (Benfey,  Monats- 
namen,    p.    199).     Nowhere   else    do   we    find    it 
Hammedatha,    but   rather    Madathas   (in    Xeno- 
phon)  or  Madathei  (in  Curt.  v.  3,  6).     This  form 
according  to  Pott  (Zeitschr.  der  D.  M.  G.,  1859, 
p.  424)  has  the  same  signification;   and  proba- 
bly  the   H    is   placed   at   the   beginning   ou  the 
ground  that  it   may  readily   have   fallen    away, 
and    thus    is   regarded    as   the    article    and    so 
pointed.     It   is   quite   possible   that   the   author 
knew  the  meaning  of  these  names,  and   found 
them  significant  in  what  follows.     Haman  would 
accordingly  be  noted  as  a  representative  of  hea- 
thendom*    The  epithet  'JJKil   leads  us  to  this 
conclusion.     One  thing  is  certain,  that  this  de- 
signation with  Jewish  interpreters,  as  Josephus 
and  the  Targums,  had  in  it  a  reminder   of  the 
Amalekitish  king  Agag  in  Saul's  time   (1  Sam. 
xv.  8,   3b).      But  we  have  evidence  more  nearly 
at  hand,  since  Esther  and  Mordecai   in  chap.  ii. 
G  are  traced  back  to  a  family  that  had  to  do 
with  the  Agag  just  mentioned.     Haman  may  not 
have  been  an  actual  descendant,  of  the   Amaleki- 
tish king,   nor  yet   have  been   known   as  such 
But   possibly   our   author   desired   to    designate 
him  as  a  spiritual  offshoot   of  that  race.f  _  Agag 
was  a  king,  and  hence  also  a  representative  of 
that  people  which  had  kept  aloof  from  Israel 
from  motives  of  bitt-rest  enmity,  and  at  decisive 
times  had  placed   itself   in    the   way  in    a   very 
hateful  manner  (comp.  Ex.  xvii.  8  sqq.  and  my 
Comment,  on  Deut.  xxv.  17),  and  against  whom 
the  Lord  also  declared  an  eternal  war  (Ex.  xviii. 
15;     Num.    xxiv.    20).      As    an    Amalekite,   he 
formed,  as  is   fully  shown    in    the    Targums,   a 
link  for  Haman  with  the  equally  rejected  and 
hateful  rival  people,  the  Edomites.     Again,  the 
author  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  flame  of 
conflict,  which  soon  broke  out  between   Haman 
and    Mordecai,    inasmuch   as   it   was   originally 
war    between    heathendom    and   Judaism,    had 
horned  from  ancient,  ages;   and   when   Mordecai 
so  vigorously  withstood   his  opponent,   causing 
his  fall  and  destruction,  he  thereby   only  paid 
off   a   debt  which  had  remained   due   from    the 
time  of  Saul  upon  the  family  of  Kish,  since  Saul 
had  neglected  to   manifest   the    proper   zeal   by 
destroying  the  banished  king    (Agag).     In   the 
second  Targum  (on  chap.  iv.  13)  Mordecai  gives 
expression  of  this  view  to  Esther,  namely,  that 

*  ["The  name  Raman  is  probably  the  same  which  is 
found  in  the  classical  writers  under  the  form  of  Oma- 
nes,  and  which  in  ancient  Persian  would  have  been 
Umana  or  Umanish,  an  exact  equivalent  of  the  Greek 
Eumenes.  Hammedatha  is  perhaps  the  same  as  Madata 
or  Uahadata  (•  Madatea  '  of  Q.  Ourtius),  an  old  Persian 
name  signifying  "  given  by  (or  to)  tho  moon."  Kawlin- 
son—  Tn.j 

t  I"  It  is  certainly  difficult  to  assign  any  other  mean- 
ing to  the  word;  but  on  the  other  hand  it  seems  un- 
likely that  Agag's  children,  if  he  had  any,  would  have 
bepn  spared  at  the  time  of  the  great  destruction  of 
Amalek,  without  some  distinct  notice  being  taken  of  it. 
Haman,  moreover,  by  his  own  name,  and  the  names  of 
his  sons  (ch.  ix.  7-0),  and  of  his  father,  would  seem  to 
have  been  a  genuine  Persian."  R.wvlinpos. — We  may 
therefore  conclude  that  the  epithet  "Agagite"  is  hero 
used  symbolically  of  a  heathen,  enemy  of  the  Jews. 
-Te.] 


if  Saul  had  obeyed  and  destroyed  Agag,  Haman 
would  not  have  arisen  and  opposed  the  Je«s. 
The  author  doubtless  placed  Haman  in  relation 
to  Agag  in  particular,  and  not  to  the  Amalekites 
in  general,  since  he  was  a  leader  and  prince, 
and  not  a  common  man  of  the  people.  The 
Arabs  and  even  later  Jews  applied  such  gene- 
alogical distinctions  to  Greeks  and  Romans 
(comp.  e.  g.  Abulfeda.  Ilistoria  Anteislamica). 
In  the  Old  Testament  the  word  C'13  in  Ps.  vii.  1 
offers  only  a  doubtful  analogy;  but  on  the  other 
hand  in  Judg.  xviii.  30  the  change  of  Moshih 
into  Menashsheh  is  a  parallel  case  wherein  the 
faithless  Levite  Jonathan  comes  into  a  spiritual 
connection  with  the  godless  king  Manasseh. 

Ver.  2.  All  the  servants  of  the  king,  who  had 
their  posts  in  the  gate  of  the  king,  i.  e.,  all  royal 
court-officers,  were  obliged  to  bow  the  knee  be- 
fore Haman  and  to  prostrate  themselves;  for 
the  king  had  so  commanded  concerning 

him  (S,  as  with  ION  and  similar  verbs,  comp. 
e.  g.  Gen.  xx.  13).  It  was  a  custom  among  the 
Persians  to  bow  before  the  king,  fall  prostrate, 
and  kiss  the  ground  (Herodot.  iii.  86;  vii.  13G; 
viii.  118;  Xenophon,  Cyrop.  v.  3,  18;  viii.  3, 
14),  so  also  before  the  high  officials  and  other 
distinguished  men  (Herodot.  iii.  134).  Morde- 
cai, however,  refused  to  do  reverence  to  Hainan. 
He  did  this  not  from  stubbornness  or  personal 
enmity.  It  is  clear  from  ver.  4  that  it  was 
because  of  his  character  as  a  Jew  alone  ;  other- 
wise that  fact  would  not  have  been  mentioned 
in  this  connection.  Again  the  Jews  could  not 
have  thought,  such  ceremony  under  all  circum- 
stances unfitting  or  non-permissible,  as  did  the 
Athenians,  perhaps,  who  regarded  its  obser- 
vance (before  Darius)  by  Timagoras,  as  a  crime 
worthy  of  death  ;  or  as  did  the  Spartans  (Herod, 
viii.  136),  and  later  still  the  Macedonians,  who 
would  not  fall  down  before  Alexander  the  Great 
according  to  Persian  custom.  This  mode  of 
obeisance  was  established  and  sanctified  for  the 
Jews  by  the  manifold  examples  of  the  fathers 
(comp.  e.  g.  Gen.  xxiii.  12;  xlii.  6;  xlviii.  12; 
2  Sam.  xiv.  4;  xviii.  28;  1  Kings  i.  16).  Even 
the  Alexandrine  translators  and  the  authors  of 
the  Targums,  as  also  the  majority  of  modern 
interpreters,  agree  that  bowiug  the  knee  and 
prostration  upon  the  face  has  here  a  religious 
significance.  Persians  regarded  their  king  as 
a  Divinity,  and  paid  him  divine  honors,  as  is 
abundantly  attested  by  classical  authors.  In 
iEschylus,  Pers.,  644  sqq.,  it  is  said:  "Darius 
was  called  their  Divine  Counsellor,  he  was  full 
of  divine  wisdom,  so  well  did  he,  Persia's  Shu- 
shau-born  god,  lead  the  army."  Curtius  says 
(viii.  5,  11):  "The  Persians  not  only  out  of 
devotion,  but  also  from  motives  of  policy^  reve- 
renced their  kings  as  gods,  for  majesty  is  the 
safeguard  of  the  empire."  Comp.  also  Plutarch 
Themist.  27.  In  Haman  as  the  chief  officer  it 
was  doubtless  intended  to  manifest  a  reflection 
of  the  divine  dignity  of  the  king,  which  should 
have  reverence  paid  to  it.  Mordecai,  it  is  held, 
thought  that  bowing  the  knee  before  Haman 
would  be  idolatry,  and  contrary  to  the  com- 
mandment: "Thou  shalt  not  make  unto  thee 
any  graven  image  or  any  likeness."  But  this 
law  in  itself  would  hardly  have  restrained  him 


chap.  in.  1-15. 


51 


therefrom.  Against  this  speaks,  not  only  ver. 
4.  which  does  not  make  a  reference  to  the  word 
of  his  God,  nor  yet  to  his  monotheism,  but  only 
to  his  general  character  as  a  Jew;  this,  how- 
ever, might  be  explained  from  the  very  slight 
indication  in  the  style  of  our  author.  But  the 
greatest  difficulty  iu  the  way  of  this  view  is  the 
circumstance  that  from  such  a  conviction  in 
regard  to  the  act  of  bowing  the  knee,  he  must 
also  refuse  its  performance  even  before  Ahasue- 
rus.  In  that  case  a  later  more  intimate  relation 
could  not  have  subsisted  between  them.  More- 
over the  facts  seem  against  this  view,  since  such 
Jews  as  Ezra,  and  especially  Nehemiah,  pious 
and  loyal  to  the  Law,  found  no  difficulty  at  all 
observing  the  usual  customB  in  their  relations 
with  the  Persian  kings  of  their  time.  It  must 
certainly  have  been  in  his  mind  that  to  him 
Haman  was  an  Agngite  and  Amalekite,  i.  e.  a 
man  placed  under  the  curse  and  bann  of  God. 
He  regarded  bowing  the  knee  before  him  as 
idolatry,  if  at  all  such,  for  the  reason  that  a  dis- 
tinction only  belonging  to  the  representative  of 
God  would  here  be  shown  to  one  cast  out  and 
banished  by  God.  Brenz  says  correctly  :  "The 
apocryphal  statement  (in  the  Sept.  version)  that 
Mordecai  is  said  to  affirm,  that  he  would  adore 
none  but  God,  although  a  pious  remark,  is 
nevertheless  not  appropriate  to  this  place.  .  .  . 
Mordecai  had  in  view  certain  passages  (Exod. 
xvii.  15  and  1  Sam.  xv. ),  from  which  he  under- 
stood that  the  whole  race  of  Amalek  and  all  the 
posterity  of  Agag  the  king  of  the  Amalekites,  to 
which  Haman  belonged,  were  accursed  and  con- 
demned by  God.  Therefore  Mordecai,  stirred 
by  the  Holy  Spirit,  confesses  with  magnanimous 
candor  that  he  is  a  Jew,  and  is  unwilling  to 
bless  by  his  veneration  one  whom  God  had 
cursed."  In  this  view  of  the  case  Feuardent 
and  Rambach  substantially  concur.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  we  hold  that  Haman  was  not  really 
an  Agagite,  and  that  the  Jews  regarded  him  as 
such  only  because  of  his  disposition,  then,  of 
course,  we  must  suppose  that  it  was  Mordecai's 
arbitrary  will  which  regarded  Haman  as  one 
rejected  by  God.  Hainan's  inimical  disposition 
against  the  Jews  would  not  in  itself  have  given 
a  valid  ground  to  the  enmity  of  Mordecai.  On 
the  contrary  it  would  still  have  been  his  duty 
to  honor  him  because  of  his  office.  But  this 
objection  rests  upon  a  stand-point  such  as  we 
cannot  assign  either  to  Mordecai  nor  yet  to  the 
author  of  our  book.  It  would  have  been  differ- 
ent had  it  only  had  reference  to  a  common  per- 
sonal enmity  of  Haman  against  Mordecai.  But 
as  the  enemy  of  the  Jews,  who  hates  and  perse- 
cutes them  in  tolo  because  of  their  laws  and  reli- 
gion, every  one  thought  it  proper  to  count  him 
among  those  transgressors  for  whose  extermina- 
tion nearly  all  the  Psalmists  had  prayed,  over 
whom  they  had  already  seen  the  curse  of  God 
suspended,  before  whom  one  was  not  to  manifest 
reverence,  but  rather  abhorrence.  It  is  well  to 
bear  in  mind  that  Haman  is  not  an  enemy  of 
the  Jews,  such  as  were  so  many  heathen  kings 
and  rulers  before  him,  but  that  in  him  the  hate 
specially  against  the  Jewish  law  was  perfected, 
whereas  other  heathen  magnates  had  usually 
manifested  great  indifference  towards  it.  Mor- 
decai   had    certainly    abundant    opportunity    to 


become  informed  as  to  the  kind  of  enmity  thus 
exhibited.  The  author  has  not  given  this  point 
great  prominence  because  in  his  usual  manner 
he  thought  he  had  done  enough  if  he  desig- 
nated him  as  the  Agagite.  If  this  assump- 
tion be  correct,  then  the  import  of  our 
book  is  somewhat  more  general  than  is 
usually  held;  it  does  not  in  that  case  sig- 
nify that  the  people  of  God  can  as  such 
refuse  to  pay  homage  to  men  in  certain  definite 
ways  and  modes,  but  rather  that  to  certain  per- 
sons, as  those  who  are  rejected  of  God,  all  hon- 
orable distinctions  may  be  denied.  But  it  at  all 
events  amounts  to  this,  that  God's  people  may 
not  lessen  the  reverence  due  to  Him  by  doing 
reverence  to  others  ;  for  homage  shown  to  those 
rejected  of  God  would  be  against  the  honor  of 
God,  would  be  idolatry.  In  so  far  as  Haman  is 
an  enemy  of  the  Jews,  who  will  not  allow  the 
observance  of  their  law  and  religion,  the  final 
question  would  after  all  be  whether  the  people 
of  God,  together  with  its  law  and  religion,  can 
be  suppressed  by  heathendom,  or  whether  it  will 
have  the  victory.  Comp.  also  Seiler  on  this 
chapter. 

Vers.  3  and  4.  The  other  officers  daily  ques- 
tioned Mordecai  because  of  his  refusal,  and  finally 
reported  him  to  Haman  to  see  ■whether  Mor- 
decai's matters  would  stand  (would  with- 
stand, succeed) :  for  he  had  told  them  that  he 
was  a  Jew. — By  "  his  words,"  we  can  only  un- 
derstand an  assertion  that,  as  a  Jew,  he  was  pre- 
vented from  participating  in  the  ceremony  of 
doing  homage  to  Haman. 

Vers.  6  and  6.  Haman,  when  he  had  convinced 
himself  of  the  conduct  of  Mordecai,  regarded  it 
lightly,  and  did  not  deem  it  sufficient  to  punish 
him  alone  ;  for  the  people  to  whom  Mordecai  be- 
longed, had  been  told  him,  hence  Haman  knew 
that  he  belonged  to  the  despised  people  of  the 
Jews.  But  he  rather  strove  to  destroy  all  the 
Jews  in  the  whole  realm  of  Ahasuerus  as  being 
of  the  same  mind  with  Mordecai.* 

Ver.  7.  Haman  reasoned  that  for  such  a  diffi- 
cult and  great  undertaking  he  must  select  an 
especially  appropriate  day,  and  for  this  purpose 
he  caused  lots  to  be  cast  day  after  day  through- 
out the  whole  year,  and  stopped  at  every  day  to 
see  whether  it  was  the  one  most  proper  for  the 
undertaking.  It  was  in  the  first  month,  that 
is,  the  month  Nisan,  in  the  twelfth  year 
of  king  Ahasuerus,  when  this  was  done.  Since 
lie  found  a  suitable  day  only  in  t tie  twelfth  month, 
namely,  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  month,  accord- 
ing to  ver.  13,  it  is  clear  that  he  manifested  much 
persistency  and  endurance.  Possibly,  what  in 
itself  is  not  of  great  moment,  namely,  the  time 
in  which  he  examined  every  single  day,  is  here 
given,  in  order  to  give  due  prominence  to  the 
greatness  of  his  zeal.  Possibly  another  reason 
may  have  obtained  in  this  designation  of  time. 


*  ["  In  the  West  such  fin  idea  as  this  would  never  have 
occurred  to  a  revengeful  man;  but  in  the  East  it  is  dif- 
ferent The  massacres  of  a  people,  a  race,  a  class,  have 
at  all  times  been  among  the  incidents  of  history,  and 
would  naturally  present  themselves  to  the  mind  of  a 
statesman.  The  Btagophonia,  or  a  great  massacre  of  the 
Magi  at  the  accession  of  Darins  Hystaspii.  was  an  event 
not  fifiy  years  old  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Xerxes,  and 
was  commemorated  annually.  A  massacre  of  the  Scy- 
thians had  occurred  about  a  century  previously."  Raw 
hsson. — Te.] 


52 


THE  HOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


If  (he  day  of  extermination  wag  determined  on 
already  in  the  month  of  Nisan,  and  proclaimed 
on  the  thirteenth  of  that  month  (comp.  ver.  12) 
then  it  ia  clear  that  the  Jews  were  for  a  whole 
year  harassed  in  their  mind  regarding  their  fate 
in  view  of  the  edict  which  was  now  no  longer  a 
secret  to  them.  Especially,  if  those  living  in 
and  around  Shushan  had  already  heard  on  the 
14th  or  15th  Nisan  what  was  determined  relative 
to  them,  then  the  most  sacred  joy  which  came  to 
them  in  the  Paschal  festival  was  turned  into  ut- 
ter sorrow.  That  it  was  the  Paschal  month  in 
which  their  destruction  was  determined  on,  is  by 
our  author  not  so  clearly  expressed,  Bince  he 
seems  to  omit  what  might  be  understood  as  self- 
evident,  but  deserves  consideration  here.  It 
seemed  as  if  the  old  Paschal  celebration,  which 
indicated  the  anci»nt  redemption  out  of  the  sla- 
very from  the  world,  was  now  to  be  abolished; 
as  if  Israel  was  now  again  to  be  handed  over  into 
the  despotism  and  cruelty  of  foreign  rulers.  In- 
stead of  partaking  of  a  feast  it  was  enjoined  on 
Mordecai,  Esther  and  her  friends  to  fast,  as  is 
shown  in  the  old  Targums  (comp.  chap.  iv.  1, 
16).  But  the  more  the  ancient  deliverance  from 
Egypt  seemed  to  be  divested  of  its  import,  the 
more  the  new  deliverance  from  Persia  must  have 
risen  in  significance;  the  more  doubtful  the  joy 
of  the  Paschal-feast  became,  the  more  was  the 
rejoicing  of  the  feast  of  Purim  enhanced.  The 
feast  of  Purim  as  the  second  celebration  of  deli- 
verance was  hence  co-ordinate  with  the  Paschal 
festival  as  being  the  first  deliverance,  but  in  such 
a  manner  that  the  former  became  a  vital  support 
to  the  latter. 

We  do  not  regard  Haman  as  the  subject   (Ber- 

theau)  to  be  supplied  with  "M3  '  ?H,  a3  's  gen- 
erally assumed  according  to  ver.  6,  but  an  inde- 
finite "  he,"  some  one.  i.  e.,  "  they."  The  author 
seems  to  presume  that  casting  of  lots  in  such 
cases  as  the  one  in  hand  was  not  infrequent,  and 
that  some  one  had  the  office  of  casting  the  lots, 

so  that  the  subject  of  7'3!"l  may  be  implied  as 
impersonal.  If  Haman  himself  had  been  the 
subject,  then  the  words  ["DTI  "33  '  following  Kin 
7"tijn  would  be  remarkable,  instead  of  which  one 

would  expect  to  find  it  I'JS/..  Bertheau  connects 
this  sentence  with  the  explanatory  phrase  N171 

7lijn,  as  if  the  use  of  the  foreign  word  "H3  by 
the  Jews  did  not  mean  every  lot,  but  only  that 
cast  before  Haman.  But  then  the  author  would 
have  expressed  it  more  easily  and  shorter:  This 
is  the  lot  of  Haman  and  not  the  lot  before  Ha- 
man. That  113  in  the  Old-Persian  signified  lot 
may  not  be  doubted.  Even  in  Modern-Persian 
it  is  behr  and  behre,  "appointment."  fate,  porlio, 
para;  so  that  a  ground  meaning,  such  as  "lot," 
is  not  improbable  (comp.  Zenker,  Turkisch-arab.- 
pers.  Handieorterbuch,  p.  229).  It  lies  still  more 
natural  to  compare  it  with,  para  or  pare  = 
'•piece,"  moreeau,  piece,  originally  perhaps  also 
portin  (ib.  p.  162).*     The  casting  of  lots  in  an- 

i _ 

*  [■'  Pur  i    i  Mi ..I  to  be  ao  Old-Persian  word  etymo- 

■  d  with  the  Latin  pnrs.  and  signifying 
'•part"  or  -l.t."  In  modern  Persian  parch  has  that 
meaning.    The  recovered  fragments  of  the  old  language 


cient  times  was  very  common  (comp.  Van  Dale, 
Orac.  ethn.  c.  14;  Potter's  Archseol.  I.  730)  and 
is  especially  mentioned  of  the  Persians  (comp. 
Herod.  III.  128).  The  opinion,  so  closely  con- 
nected with  Astrology,  that  one  day  was  favor- 
able and  another  unfavorable  for  a  certain  un- 
dertaking, is  met  with  also  among  other  ancient 
peoples,  and  very  extensively  among  the  Per- 
sians. Indeed  it  obtains  in  those  regions  even 
to-day  (comp.  Kosenmiiller,  Morgenland,  III.,  p. 
302).* 

The  words :  from  day  to  day,  and  from 
month  to  month,  are  not  to  be  understood  as 
it'  the  casting  of  lots  had  been  continued  from 
one  day  to  another,  etc.,  and  thus  repeated  over 
and  over,  but,  as  is  clear  from  ver.  13,  the  mean- 
ing is  that,  in  the  first  month  every  day  of  the 
year  one  after  the  other  was  brought  into  ques- 
tion, f  It  is  noticeable  that,  in  addition  to  the 
words  :  "  from  month  to  month."  the  number  of 
the  chosen  month  is  added,  the  twelfth.  One 
would  expect  such  a  sentence  as  this  to  follow : 
"And  the  month  was  chosen,  and  then  the  num- 
ber." At  least  nfter  the  phrase,  "from  month 
to  month,"  it  would  have  been  added  "  up  to  the 
twelfth  month."  Hence  Bertheau  concludes  that 
the  Sept.  has  given  the  words  here:  "And  the 
lot  fell  upon  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month, 
which  is  Ad.ar,"  because  they  found  them  in  the 
text,  and  that  the  eye  of  the  copyist  slipped  all 

between  the  first  $7Ji 7  to  the  second,  after  which 
latter  follow  the  designation  of  the  day  and  its 
number.  But  since  the  Sept.  also  adds:  "In 
order  to  destroy  the  people  of  Mordecai  in  one 
day,"  it  is  plain  that  it  supplemented  our  verse 
with  the  thirteenth  verse  ;  and  since  it  was  not 
the  fourteenth  day,  but  the  thirteenth  (according 
to  ver.  13;  chap.  ix.  18, 10)  that  was  designated, 
it  is  clear  that  the  Sept.  assumed  to  make  changes 
arbitrarily.  Probably  the  author  in  his  custo- 
mary short  style  spoke  just  as  we  read  it.  The 
use  of  the  cardinal  number  instead  of  the  ordinal 
made  such  a  contraction  possible  ;  and  the  state- 
ment as  to  which  day  had  been  decided  by  the 
lot,  might  readily  be  wanting  here. 

Vers.  8-11.  In  order  to  gain  the  king  also  over 
to  his  own  murderous  plan,  and  to  obtain  of  him 
a  legal  edict,  Haman  said  to  the  king  :  There 
is  a  certain  people  scattered  abroad  and 
dispersed  among  the  people  in  all  the  pro- 
vinces of  thy  kingdom. J — iJB','  has  the  Nun 
inserted  before  the  suffix  as  in  1  Sam.  xiv.  39; 
xxiii.  23;  Deut.  xxix.  14  (Ewald's  Lehrb.,  p.  262 
e).  inx  is  a  numeral.  He  means  :  "  Only  one 
of  the   many  peoples   has   dared   to  disobey  the 


have  not,  however,  vielded  any  similar  root."   Rawlin- 

BON  — Te.] 

*  f"  The  practice  of  easting  lots  to  obtain  a  lucky  day 
continues  still  in  the  East,  and  is  probably  extremely 
ancient.  Assyrian  calendars  note  lucky  and  unlucky 
lays  as  early  as  the  eighth  century  B.  ('.  Lots  were  in 
use  both  anions  the  Oriental  and  the  classical  nations 
from  a  remote  antiquity."  Rawlinson.— Ts.J 

t  ["A  lot  seems  to  have  been  ea-t.  or  a  throw  of  some 
kind  made,  for  each  dav  of  the  month  and  each  month 
of  the  year.  The  day  and  month  which  obtained  the 
best  throws  were  then  selected."  Rawunsom.— Ta.] 

} 1 "  Although  a  part  of  the  Jewish  nation  had  returned 
to  Jerusalem  with  Zerubbabel,  the  greater  portion  was 
still  despised  amontr  the  provinces,  in  Babylonia,  Meso- 
p  itamia,  an  1  i  Isewhere  (sea  Ezra  vii.  6 ;  viii.  IT  ;  Neh. 
1. 1,  2,  etc.)."  Rawlkson.— Te.J 


CHAP.  III.  1-15. 


53 


laws  of  the  king."  This  one,  howe7er,  is  so  ge- 
nerally scattered  and  disperse  J  among  the  others 
that  the  evil  example  is  of  no  small  moment.  It 
seems  as  if  Human  here  gave  expression  to  a  pre- 
sentiment, whose  fulfilment  is  declared  by  Seneca 
when  he  (De  superstit.  3,  p.  427)  says:  "Such 
power  have  the  customs  of  this  detestable  people 
already  gained  that  they  are  introduced  into  all 
lands;  they  the  conquered  hive  given  laws  to 
their  conquerors."  Their  laws  (are)  diverse 
from  all  (other)  people,  especially  from  the 
laws  of  this  realm  (cotnp.  in  ver.  1,  "  above  nil 
the  princes").*  Therefore  it  (is)  not  for  the 
king's  profit  to  suffer  them. — HliS*,  as  in  ch. 
iii.  8;  v.  13,  while  in  chap.  vii.  4  it  has  a  some- 
what different  sense.      DITJrn,  to  leave  them  in 

t  ■  -  : 
peace. 

Ver.  9.  If  it  please  the  king  let  it  be  writ- 
ten =  let  it  be  commanded  by  apublic  announce- 
ment, which  is  as  irrevocable  as  a  formal  edict 
of  the  empire  (comp.  chap.  i.  19),  that  they 
may  be  destroyed.  And  I  will  pay  ten 
thousand  talents  of  silver  to  the  hands  of 
those  that  have  the  charge  of  the  busi- 
ness.— Such  a  great  sum  (according  to  the  Mo- 
saic Shekel  twenty-five  million,  and  according  to 
the  common  shekel,  twelve  and  a  half  million 
thalers;  vide  Zockler  on  1  Chron.  xxii.  14)  does 
he  hope  to  bring  in  by  the  confiscation  of  the 
property  of  the  Jews.  t  "  Those  that  have  charge 
of  the  business,"  in  2  Kings  xii.  11,  designated 
builders  (masons,  etc.)  ;  but  here  and  in  chap. 
ix.  3  are  meant  the  officers  of  the  treasury  ["  the 
Collectors  of  the  revenue. "  Rawlinson]. 

Ver.  10.  The  proposal  of  Hainan  seems  to  have 
pleased  the  king  so  much  that  he  gave  him  his 
seal  ring,  and  thus  empowered  him  not  only  to 
cause  the  before-mentioned  public  proclamation 
to  be  male,  but  also  to  issue  other  suitable  de- 
crees, and  by  imprinting  the  royal  signet  to  give 
them  the  authority  of  irrevocable  commands 
(comp.  chap.  viii.  8,  9).  In  private  relations  tho 
present  of  a  ring  wis  the  token  of  the  most  inti- 
mate friendship.  Princes,  however,  thereby  de- 
signated the  one  who  held  it  as  their  empowered 
representative,  (comp.  chap.  viii.  2;  Gen.  xli. 
42;  1  Mace.  vi.  15;  Curt.,  X.  5,4;  Aristoph., 
F.a.  947;  Schulz,  Lntungen,  etc.,  iv.  218  sq. ; 
Tournefort,  R.,  II.  38:3).  J  Sometimes Buccessois 
to  the  crown  were  also  thus  appointed  (comp. 
Josephus,  Ant.  XX  2,  3).  The  significant  de- 
signation of  Haruau  as  "  the  son  of  Hammedatha 


*  ["  Compare  the  charges  made  against  the  Jews  by  Re- 
hum  and  Shimshai  (Ezra.  iv.  13-16)."  Rawlinson.  Ta.j 

t  ["According  to  Herodotus  (III.  95),  the  regular  re- 
v  ime  of  tin-  Persian  king  consisted  of  14.560  silver  ta- 
lents, so  that  if  the  same  talent  is  intended,  Hainan's 
offer  would  have  exceeded  two-thirds  of  a  years  reve- 

i"i r  two  and  a  half  millions  sterling  .    With  respect 

to  the  ability  of  Persian  subjects  to  make  presents  to 
this  amount,  it  is  enough  to  quote  the  offer  of  Pythius 
(Herod,  vii.  28)  to  present  this  same  monarch  with  four 
millions  of  gold  daries,  or  about  four  andahalf  milli  ins 
of  our  money,  and  the  further  statement  of  the  same 
writer  (Herod,  i.  192),  that  a  certain  satrap  of  Babylon 
had  a  revenue  of  nearlv  two  bushels  of  silver  daily." 
Rawlinson.— Tr.] 

$  ["The  sitrnets  of  Persian  monarchs  were  sometimes 
rin<rs.  sometime  cylinders,  the  bitter  probably 
pendedhy  a  string  fund  the  wrist.    The  express]   a 
here  u^'-^l  might  apply  to  either  kind  of  signet."   Raw- 
linson.— Tu  J 


the  Agagite,  tin  Jews'  enemy,"  points  out  how 
eventful  this  bestowal  of  au.horiiy  upon  Human 
became  to  the  Jews. 

Ver.  11.  The  prospect  of  the  great  treasure 
thus  to  be  acquired  must  have  had  considerable 
weight  with  Ahasuerus,  who  needed  much  money. 
Still  it  must  not  assume  the  appearance  as  if  co- 
vetousness  had  anything  to  do  with  it.  Hence 
he  left  the  money  to  be  gained  to  Hainan,  for 
thus  he  would  also  be  the  more  sure  of  him  in 
possible  and  coming  events.  The  silver  (is) 
(let  it  be)  given  to  thee,  the  people  also,  to 
do  with  them  as  it  seemeth  good  to  thee. 
— The  participle  pnj  is  a  short  mode  of  expres- 
sion appropriate  to  the  king.  Thesen  =  eis:  "It 
is,"  or:  "Let  it  be  given."  So  also  PiVJi'J, 
"  let  it  be,"  or:  "  It  must  be  done."* 

Vers.  12—15.  Hainan  at  once  caused  the  neces- 
sary proclamations  lo  be  prepared,  and  had  them 
s"ut  into  all  the  provinces  of  the  kingdom.  Ver. 
12.  [Then  were  the  king's  scribes  called. 
— '*  The  ■  scribes  '  of  Xerxes  are  mentioned  more 
than  once  by  Herodotus  (vii.  100;  viii.  90).  Tiny 
appear  to  have  been  in  constant  attendance  on 
the  monarch,  ready  to  indite  his  edicts,  or  to 
note  down  any  occurrences  which  he  desired  to 
have  recorded." — Rawlinson].  In  the  very  same 
month  in  which  he  had  the  lot  cast,  and  on  the 
thirteenth  day  of  the  same  (13.  in  it,  the  said 
month).  Perhaps  it  appeared  that  the  thirteenth 
day  of  the  first  month  was  favorably  indicated  to- 
gether with  the  thirteenth  of  the  twelfth  mouth. f 
And  there  was  written  according  to  all 
that  Haman  had  commanded  unto  the 
king's  lieutenants,  and  to  the  governors 
that  (were)  over  every  province,  and  to 
the  rulers  of  every  people  of  every  pro- 
vince.— D'JiDTttynN  and  JIlilD  are   here,  as  in 

•  T  I  -  : :  T 

Ezra  viii.  36,  placed  together,  the  satraps  of  the 
larger  provinces  and  the  rulers  among  the  se- 
parate peoples  of  the  provinces.  The  W'yl/  are 
the  native  so-called  born/>r;'nce»  of  the  different 
peoples.  Before  the  following  nj"10,  aud  like- 
wise before  D>*  further  on,  it  should  really  be 
repeated:  lo  the  satraps,  etc.  The  sense  is:  "For 
the  governors  of  each  province  accordingto  their 
mode  of  writing  (style),  and  to  those  of  every 
people  according  to  its  language."  In  the  addi- 
tion: "In  the  name  of  king  Ahasuerus  was  it 
written,  and  sealed  with  the  king's  ring,"  the 
perfect  tense  only  is  fitting,  and  not  the  parti- 
ciple. And  though  3.PDJ  may  have  a  Kameis,  to 
give  it  greater  distinctiveness,  si  ill  this  is  not 
true  of  DHnj,  though  so  given  in  several  editions. 


*  [" Some  understand  this  to  mean  that  Xerx 
fused  the  silver  which  Haman  had  offered  to  him  :  but 
the  passage  is  better  explained  as  a  grant  to  him  of  all 
the  property  of  such  Jews  as  should  be  executed.  In 
the  East  confiscation  follows  necessarily  upon  public 
execution,  the  goods  of  criminals  escheating  to  the 
crown,  which  does  with  them  as  it  chooses  (c  nip.  ver. 
1  I  a  '  ?'"..  ami  chap.  viii.  1.  and  11  ad  fin.).  Rawlinson.— 
Tr.] 

-  •  Haman  had  apparently-  feomp.  ver.  7  with  ver.  13) 
obtained  by  hi"  use  of  the  lot  the  13th  day  of  Adar  as 
the  lucky  'lay  for  destroying  the  Jew.-.  This  may  have 
can  - led  liim  to  fix  on  the  13th  of  another  month  for  the 
commencement  of  his  enterprise."  Rawlinson. — Tr.] 


TOE  BOOK  OF  ESiMER.. 


Ver.  13.  And  the  letters  were  sent  by- 
posts,  etc. — riwOT,  infin.  abs.  Niph.,  instead  of 
the  finite  verb  in  vivid  description  (comp.  chap, 
vi.  9;  ix.  6,  12).  Letters,  without  the  article, 
for  the  thought  is:  "Letters  whose  contents  are 
that should  be  destroyed."  By  the  run- 
ners, by  whom  they  were  sent,  are  meant  the 
posts,  the  angari  or  pressmen,  who  were  posted 
on  the  main  roads  of  the  empire  at  definite  dis- 
tances from  each  other,  from  four  to  seven  para- 
fangs,  and  who  rapidly  expedited  the  royal 
(mail/  letters  or  commands  (comp.  Herodot.  V. 
11;  VIII.  08;  Brisson,  Dereg.  Pers.  print.  I.  c. 
238  sq.).  To  destroy,  to  kill,  and  to  cause 
to  perish,  all  Jews,  etc. — The  crowding  of  verbs 
impresses  the  murderous  import.  And  to  take 
the  spoil  of  them — i.e.,  to  thus  obtain  their 
property  as  spoils.  Haman,  of  course,  did  not 
desire  to  come  short  in  that  which  fell  to  him; 
but  by  giving  the  people  the  privilege  of  plun- 
dering, he  desired  to  awaken  their  zeal  the  more. 
Thus  they  would  either  give  him  a  share  of  the 
spoils,  or  else  he  hoped  to  obtain  the  sum  before 
mentioned  by  the  help  of  his  servants  or  his  co- 
adjutors.* 

Ver.  14.  The  copy  (contents)  of  the 
writing,  etc. — The  statements  respecting  the 
contents  in  ver.  13  are  too  indefinite.  It  was  not 
yet  ordered  that  the  officers  only  should  fall  upon 
the  Jews,  but  that  the  people  themselves  should 
do  this.  This  is  expressly  made  to  appear  here. 
With  reference  to  tJtyflS,  see  Ezra  iv.  11.  The 
substance  does  not  there  follow  verbatim,  but  is 
indicated  by  the  infinitive.  For  a  command- 
ment to  be  given  in  every  province. — But 
the  decree  itself  reads:  Let  it  be  published 
unto  all  people  that  they  should  be  ready 
against  that  day. — What  was  to  be  published 
is  also  indicated,  but  briefly.  Thus  in  the  style 
of  expression  the  details  are  noted  as  is  common 
in  edicts,  with  abbreviation  of  points  referred  to. 
Since  fH  is  feminine,  as  is  seen,  for  example,  in 
vers.  8,  15,  we  cannot  render:  "That  they  should 
publicly  proclaim  the  edict — make  it  manifest  to 
all."  Still  less  are  we  to  understand  it,  as  does 
Keil:  "A  copy  of  the  writing  of  the  substance 
that  a  law  be  given,  and  be  declared  to  all  peo- 
ples." Instead  of  '1T3  this  verb  would  then  have 
to   be  in  the  perfect  tense,  and  !"I7JJ   does  not 

mean,  as  Keil  interprets,  open  or  unsealed  in  its 
transmission;  neither  does  it  mean  opened,  re- 
vealed, made  known.  '.7,3  is  rather  in  the  opta- 
tive, the  same  as  is  tlHJ  in  ver.  11  (so  also  Ber- 
theau). 

*  ["  By  the  issue  of  the  decree  at  this  time  ('  the  first 
month ')  the  Jews  throughout  the  empire  had  from  nine 
to  eleven  months'  warning  of  the  peril  which  threat* 
ened  them.  So  long  a  notice  is  thought  to  be  '  incre- 
dible' (Davidson),  and  the  question  is  asked.  '  Why  did 
they  not  then  quit  the  kingdom?'  In  repiy  we  may 
pay — (1)  that  many  of  them  may  have  quitted  the  king- 
dom; and  (2)  that  those  who  remained  may  have  be- 
lieved, with  Mordecai  (chap.  iv.  1-t),  that  enlargement 
and  deliverance  would  arise  from  some  quarter  or 
other.  As  to  its  being  improbable  that  Haman  should 
give  such  long  notice,  we  may  remark  that  Haman  only 
wished  to  be  quit  of  Mordecai,  and  that  the  flight  of  the 
Jews  would  have  served  his  purpose  quite  as  well  as 
on.— Tn.] 


Uieir  massacre."  Rawlinson 


Ver.  15.  The  posts  went  out,  being  has- 
tened, etc. — Him,  went  speedily,  in  haste;  in  2 
Chron.  xxvi.  20  is  the  Niph.  'jrnj.  The  addi- 
tional clause:  and  the  decree  was  given  in 
Shushan  the  palace  means  to  assert  froii 
whence  they  went  out.  But  the  remark:  And 
the  king  and  Haman  sat  down  to  drink ; 
but  the  city  of  Shushan  was  perplexed 
reveals  the  terrible  contrast  between  the  gluttony 
of  these  men  and  the  distress  into  which  they 
[dunged  the  land.  It  also  indicates  by  what 
means  Haman  sought  to  draw  the  king  away 
from  the  business  of  government.  HDOj  prima- 
rily does  not  mean  that  it  was  distressed  by  ter- 
ror or  sorrow,  but  that  it  was  perplexed,  did  not 
know  what  to  think  of  such  a  terrible  command 
(comp.  Joel  i.  18);  in  au  external  sense  ^2j 
means  to  have  erred  (Ex.  xiv.  3).* 

DOCTRINAL   AND    ETHICAL. 

On  vers.  1-7.  1.  Mordecai's  meritorious  act, 
though  recorded,  had  not  yet  been  rewarded. 
One  would  naturally  think  that  at  this  period  he 
would  obtain  the  deserved  honor.  But  instead 
it  is  expected  of  him  on  his  part  to  do  honor  to 
a  man  such  as  Haman,  who  was  the  sworn  enemy 
of  his  people  and  a  bitter  opponent  of  the  Jewish 
law;  who  finally,  as  an  Agagite,  was  under  the 
curse  of  God.  Esther,  who  no  doubt  was  true  to 
Judaism,  although  she  had  not  yet  openly  pro- 
fessed it,  was  seated  on  the  throne  as  the  chosen 
queen.  And  now  one  would  be  led  to  expect — 
certainly  the  Jews  hoped — that  she  would  bring 
the  people  relief  from  oppression,  and  restore  for 
them  liberty  which  would  secure  them  from  in- 
juries such  as  Ihoy  had  hitherto  experienced,  or 
at  least  had  been  threatened  with.  Instead  of 
this,  Haman,  empowered  with  full  authority,  re- 
solves to  wholly  exterminate  the  people;  indeed 
he  is  in  haste,  although  this  exterminating  pro- 
cess was  to  begin  only  after  eleven  months,  to 
m:\ke  the  people  acquainted  with  their  fate  long 
before  the  event  comes  to  pass.  Now  it  happens 
that  Hainan  thereby  utterly  ruins  their  holiest 
joy,  and  the  season  of  Paschal  rejoicing  is  con- 
verted into  a  time  of  distress  and  grief.  It  seems 
by  such  notice  as  if  the  people  could  no  more 
place  any  reliance  in  their  God  as  their  Saviour; 
as  if  their  Lord,  who  had  at  one  time  chosen  them 
as  His  peculiar  people,  and  who,  if  He  would, 
could  even  now  deliver  them  from  the  distress 
of  exile,  was  no  more  to  be  the  source  of  their 
joy.  But,  however  unexpectedly  these  turns  in 
their  affairs  may  seem  to  some,  and  however  the 
question  might  be  raised,  which  is  so  often 
mooted,  why  it  must  thus  transpire,  seemingly 
against  all  hope;  still  that  which  came  to  pass 
was  not  so  very  surprising,  but  quite  natural. 
One    would  very  naturally  expect  of   a    prince 

*  ["The  remark  that  'Shushan  was  perplexed'  has 
been  attributed  to  'Jewish  conceit,'  hut  without  reason. 
Susa  was  now  the  capital  of  Persia,  and  the  main  resi- 
dence of  the  Persians  of  high  rank.  These,  being  at- 
tached to  the  religion  of  Znroaster,  would  naturally 
sympathize  with  the  Jews,  and  be  disturbed  at  th^ir 
threatened  destruction.  Nay.  even  apart  from  this  bond 
of  union,  the  decree  was  sufficiently  strange  and  omi- 
nous to  'perplex'  thoughtful  citizens."  Rawlinso*. 
-Te.] 


CHA?.   III.   1-15. 


who,  like  Ahasuerns,  did  not  live  to  perform  li is 
duties,  but  to  indulge  in  seusual  gratification. — 
who  Bought,  not  the  welfare  of  his  subjects,  hut 
their  wealth,  would  leave  the  power  and  govern- 
ment in  the  hands  of  men  who  knew  how  to  flat- 
ter his  weaknesses  and  to  gratify  his  desires. 

Cut  above  all,  we  cannot  but  notice  the  sharp 
contrast  between  the  heathen  state,  as  such,  and 
the  people  of  God.  It  looks  very  much  like  a 
merely  casual  human  command,  when  Ahasuerus 
decreed  that  every  one  should  bow  the  knee  to 
such  a  man  as  Haman,  and  as  if  this  single  in- 
stance called  forth  a  conflict.  But  in  reality 
there  is  expressed  the  unconditional  subordina- 
tion which  the  state,  especially  the  heathen  one, 
must  insist  upon  in  reference  to  its  laws  and  re- 
gulations. So  long  as  the  latter  have  proceeded 
not  from  the  Spirit  of  God,  but  from  the  unrege- 
nerate  heathen  heart,  so  long  will  they  contain 
demands  to  which  the  people  of  God  cannot  sub- 
ject themselves.  So  long  as  the  State  is  not  en- 
tirely irreligious,  it  will  be  even  inclined  to  ope- 
rate within  the  religious  domain,  and  thus  the 
conflict  takes  its  rise  immediately  between  it  and 
the  people  of  God.  We  may  also  expect  that  the 
state  will  avail  itself  of  such  instruments  to  carry 
out  its  orders  as  of  themselves  are  little  disposed 
to  be  friendly  to  God's  people  ;  instruments  who, 
because  of  that  people's  peculiarities,  look  upon 
them  as  a  disturbing  element,  and  are  little  dis- 
poned to  exercise  forbearance  and  toleration  to- 
wards them.  The  people  of  God,  on  the  other 
hand,  have  their  obligation  to  obey  all  authori- 
ties under  whose  dominion  they  may  be  placed, 
even  to  the  extent  that  they  must  endure  con- 
demnation to  death,  and  suffer  execution  (Rom. 
xiii.  1  sqq.).  But  they  are  equally  obligated  to 
give  honor  to  God  and  not  to  man.  They  can 
only  give  honor  to  man  in  so  far  as  God  has  so 
ordered  it.  They  must  refuse  honor  to  those  who 
are  opposed  to  God,  at  the  risk  of  provoking  the 
most  powerful  and  dangerous  men  of  authority 
in  the  government.  There  is  in  short  a  great 
contrast  between  those  who  know  nothing  higher 
than  the  law  of  the  state  and  state  religion  and 
those  who  look  above  and  beyond  these  to  the 
true  and  living  God,  and  who  supremely  reve- 
rence His  law.  This  contrast  in  later  times  gave 
rise  to  the  wars  of  the  Maccabees,  and  still  later, 
though  differently  in  form,  to  the  war  against  the 
Romans;  and  it  was  this,  too,  which  more  espe- 
cially brought  on  the  persecutions  of  the  Chris- 
tians, in  short,  it  is  the  contrast  which  in  the 
history  of  mankind  has  asserted  its  power  even 
at  (he  cost  of  conflict  for  life  or  death.  It  is  so 
irreconcilable  and  so  powerful  that  it  could  not 
and  can  not  be  removed  by  any  compromise  what- 
ever, but  only  unconditional  subjection  on  the 
one  part — namely,  of  the  kingdom  of  the  world — ■ 
and  by  victory  on  the  other — namely,  of  the  kiug- 
dom  of  God.  This  contrast  has  always  revived 
anew  where  the  powers  of  the  world  have  thrown 
oft'  from  themselves  the  bands  of  the  Lord  and 
His  anointed. 

Bcrlenbueo  Bible:  "That  believers  obey  not 
tho  laws  of  the  king  has  always  been  the  chief 
complaint  among  the  anti-Christian  rabble,  of 
which  Haman  furnishes  a  copy.  The  children 
of  God,  in  their  eyes,  must  ever  be  insurrection- 
ists, disturbers  of  the  peace,  persons  subject  to 


no  law  or  order,  and  by  whom  the  public  weal  is 
endangered."  Thus  we  have  expressed  the  view 
in  which  Christ  and  His  apostles  were  regarded 
(Luke  xxiii.  2,  5).  But  this  is  the  greatest  of  all 
falsehoods." 

2.  It  is  not  only  offended  ambition  that  incites 
Haman  against  Mordecai;  it  is  also  hate  against 
Judaism.  It  offends  him  that  it  has  privileges 
and  laws  so  different  from  those  of  the  other  peo- 
ples in  the  empire  (comp.  ver.  8).  Hence  he  is 
not  content  to  lay  hands  on  Mordecai  alone,  but 
he  resolves  also  to  exterminate  all  Jews.  As  his 
offended  ambition  strengthens  his  hate  against 
Judaism,  his  hate  receives  fresh  occasion  from 
the  offence  to  his  ambitious  designs  on  the  part 
of  Mordecai.  The  contrast  between  him  and 
Mordecai  has  therefore  a  more  general  and  deeper 
reason.  Even  Mordecai's  religion  is  endangered 
thereby.  Haman  demands  the  bowing  of  the 
knee,  because  according  to  the  Persian  notion, 
Deity  is  thereby  honored  in  him.  This  is  to  him 
a  religious  rite.  This  is  especially  clear  from 
the  fact  that  he  does  not  himself  arbitrarily  de- 
termine the  day  in  which  he  will  carry  out  his 
designs  respecting  the  Jews,  but  he  is  rather  de- 
pendent on  the  voice  of  Deity,  as  it  is  revealed 
to  him  by  means  of  the  easting  of  the  lot.  Ne- 
vertheless he  gives  religion  a  subordinate  po- 
sition in  his  thoughts,  tendencies,  desires  and 
purposes, — so  that  the  former  really  becomes 
merely  a  means  to  the  latter.  It  is  just  the  op- 
posite with  Mordecai.  Had  it  lain  in  his  power 
to  determine,  he  would  doubtless  cheerfully  have 
obeyed  the  king's  order  to  bow  the  knee  before 
Haman.  He  no  doubt  comprehended  the  great- 
ness of  the  danger  that  threatened  him  in  case 
of  refusal.  He  would  perhaps  the  more  easily 
have  given  in,  since  no  doubt  a  voice  often  whis- 
pered in  his  ear  that  it  might  be  very  quistion- 
alile  whether  or  not  he  should  view  Haman  as  an 
Agagite,  as  one  rejected  of  God.  But  the  facts 
were  too  plain,  and  God's  Word  required  Mor- 
decai to  abominate  instead  of  honoring  Haman. 
This  he  must  perform  not  only  when  it  was  most 
agreeable  to  his  disposition,  but  also  in  the  most 
opposite  case.  Viewed  in  this  light  Hainan  and 
Mordecai  clearly  indicate  to  us  that  the  emphatic 
difference  between  heathen  and  Jew  is  true  piety. 
The  former  serves  when  the  worship  of  deity  is 
only  worship  of  self;  in  the  lower  plane  it  is  only 
worship  of  nature  and  of  the  flesh ;  in  the  higher 
grades  it  has  its  basis  in  worship  of  human  ideals. 
True  piety,  however,  is  a  surrender  to  another 
will,  to  the  will  of  the  Holy  God.  Hence  the 
former  perfectly  corresponds  to  the  selfish  man- 
ner of  men,  as  they  live  at  present,  because  of 
sin;  the  other  opposes  this  in  sharp  contrast. 
But  while  the  first  is  a  flatterer,  who,  if  any  man 
will  give  heed,  will  deceive,  the  latter  is  a  (rusty 
friend  who  will  lead  upon  a  right  way  and 
toward  salvation. 

Brenz:  "Satan,  as  Christ  says,  is  a  liar  and 
a  murderer.  Hence  he  is  ever  busy  in  perse- 
cuting the  church  with  bis  lying  and  murderous 
designs.  You  have  heard  before  his  lie:  'The 
people  are  using  new  laws  and  ceremonies,  and 
they  despise  the  edicis  of  the  king.'  Now  hear 
his  murderous  words:  '  If  it  pleases  thee,  decree 
that  this  people  be  destroyed.'  "  Feu/ardent: 
'•The  sorrowful  condition  of  the  Jews  becomes 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


very  apparent  and  plain  as  here  revealed  ;  like- 
wise the  just  judgment  of  God  is  here  fulfilled 
He  says:  'They  would  not  obey  God  in  their 
own  land,  where  they  enjoyed  such  great  free- 
d  'in.  but  now  they  groan  under  the  severe  ser- 
vice that  presses  upon  them,  and  they  are  brought 
into  the  risk  of  life  itself.  They  refused  to  as- 
semble in  the  sanctuaries  of  Jerusalem  under 
their  own  kings,  they  ran  after  the  golden  calves, 
the  sacred  groves,  and  idols  and  superstitions 
of  the  heathen.  Now  they  are  placed  and  scat- 
tered under  the  most  tyrannical  form  of  govern- 
ment. They  neither  can  nor  dare  congregate  to 
offer  a  service  of  praise  to  God.''  Starke: 
"A  man  resigned  to  the  will  of  God  will  disre- 
gard the  laws  of  men.  whenever  these  stand  op- 
posed to  the  will  and  laws  of  God,  however  much 
he  niay  suffer  thereby  (Acts  v.  19;  Dan.  vi.  10 
sq.).  Although  we  should  hold  in  honor  those 
whom  the  higher  authorities  command  to  be  ho- 
nored, still  such  homage  must  not  conflict  with 
that  due  to  God.  When  men  disobey  the  laws 
of  man  and  violate  them,  it  is  very  soon  taken 
noice  of  (Dan.  vi.  11-13) ;  but  if  they  violate  the 
law  of  God,  then  no  one  seems  to  observe  the  fact. 
We  should  not  make  man  our  idol,  nor  make  fl"sh 
our  arm  (Jer.  xvii.  5).  Immoderate  ambition 
generally  breaks  out  into  cruelly.  The  anger 
of  great  men  is  fierce  (Prov.  xvi.  14) ;  hence  one 
should  have  a  care  not  to  arouse  the  same  against 
one's  self." 

On  ver.  24.  The  people  of  God,  in  the  conflict 
with  their  enemies,  may  rely  on  the  protection 
of  God,  if  they  are  morally  in  the  right.  Thus 
also  the  enemies  of  such  people  will  be  their 
own  destroyers  by  virtue  of  their  machinations. 
Such  is  the  tenor  of  this  whole  book.  But  a 
more  difficult  question  arises  here,  whether  Mor- 
decai,  in  refusing  to  bow  the  knee  to  Haman, 
and  thereby  bringing  on  the  conflict,  was  really 
iu  Ihe  right.  This  question  is  the  more  grave, 
inasmuch  as  Hainan  could  not  properly  be  terme  1 
either  an  Agagite  or  an  Analckite;  and  all 
turned  upon  a  form  of  homage  proper  and  per- 
missible in  itself.  The  question  would  be  more 
simple  if  Haman,  as  opposed  to  Mordecai,  had 
been  only  a  private  individual.  That  in  that  case 
the  latter's  conduct  would  have  been  right  and 
proper,  cannot  be  doubted.  As  the  Lord  sanc- 
tioned enmity  against  all  that  are  like-minded 
to  Amalek  in  the  command:  "Remember  what 
Amalek  did  unto  thee''  (Deut.  xxv.  17),  David 
justifies  himself  before  God  in  hating  those  that 
hate  God,  and  is  grieved  at  those  who  raise 
themselves  against  Him;  indeed  he  hates  them 
with  perfect  hatred  (Ps.  cxxxix.  'Jl ,  22).  When  lie 
would  recount  the  chief  characteristics  of  a  truly 
pious  person  in  the  church,  he  makes  this  trail 
prominent  (Ps.  xv.  4).  This,  according  to  Luther, 
means  that  the  just  man  is  no  respecter  of  per- 
sons; nor  does  he  care  how  holy,  learned,  or 
powerful  one  be.  If  virtue  be  reflected  from  any 
■  me,  the  just  man  will  honor  liim,  though  he,  were 
even  a  beggar.  But  if  virtue  be  not  found  in 
him,  then  he  will  be  esteemed  as  bad,  and  as 
nothing;  the  righteous  man  will  tell  him  of  it, 
and  censure  him.  He  will  tell  him,  "Thou  do-t 
despise  the  Word  of  God,  thou  dost  slander  thy 
neighbor;  therefore  I  desire  no  connection  with 
thee.''      The  Christian  must  iu  like  mauuer  per- 


form this  duty.  He  must  do  it  for  the  sake  of 
mercy,  if  no  other  means  will  avail;  or  for  the 
sake  of  truth,  which  pronounces  evil  to  be  evil, 
and  censures  it.  He  must  hold  up  to  reproof 
him  who  by  a  persistent  immoral  life  brings  dis- 
grace upon  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  even 
by  his  conduct  manifests  enmily  against  the 
same.  This  the  Christian  should  do  often,  not 
only  as  respects  the  particular  person,  but  also 
as  respects  his  acts  or  disposition.  In  re- 
gard to  t his,  Harless  says  very  justly:  "It 
were  a  gross  error  to  think  that  the  Chris- 
tian should  content  himself  with  reproving 
simply  the  offence  and  its  tendency,  but  that 
thereafter  he  could  nevertheless  maintain  per- 
sonal and  external  relations  with  such  a  per- 
son. On  the  contrary,  the  blessings  of  the 
Spirit  of  Christ  given  to  His  church,  will  mate- 
rially depend  upon  the  principle  that  in  the  se- 
lection  of  personal  companionship  the  consciousness 
and  true  unity  which  should  unite  the  church 
must  be  maintained  by  external  separation.  The 
Christian,  iu  so  far  as  it  depends  on  his  own  selec- 
tion and  is  consistent  with  his  calling,  should  avoid 
the  society  of  those  whose  disposition  he  has 
found  to  be  reprobate.  We  cannot  term  it  other 
than  a  lack  of  Christian  consistency  when  such 
Christians  call  it  Christian  love  to  seek  out  so- 
ciety from  all  the  world  in  an  indiscriminate 
manner,  and  cultivate  it,  and  that  according  to 
one's  own  choice  (conip.  1  Cor.  xv.  33,  etc.)  " 
(Christliche  Eihik,  \  47,  p.  456.  7th  ed.).  But  all 
this  has  reference  primarily  only  to  the  relation 
of  the  common  intercourse  of  neighbors.  Ha- 
inan was  to  Mordecai  an  official  magisterial  per- 
son. Besides,  it  wa9  expressly  commanded  by 
the  king  that  he  should  be  thus  honored  by  bow- 
ing the  knee  before  him.  Hence  the  command  : 
"Honor  thy  father  and  mother,"  and  also  the 
other  that,  "  one  should  not  revile  the  gods,  nor 
curse  the  ruler  of  thy  people"  (Ex.  xxii.  27), 
demanded  respect.  Neither  was  the  precept 
to  be  forgotten:  "My  son,  fear  thou  the  Lord 
and  the  king"  (Prov.  xxiv.  21).  In  the  New 
Testament  the  two  chief  aposiles  exhort  us  to 
submission  under  authority:  Paul  in  Rom.  xiii. 
1  sqq. ;  Peter  in  1  Pet.  ii.  13  sqq.  Peter  closes 
the  paragraph  cited  with  the  words:  "Fear 
God.  Honor  the  king."  If  by  the  word  honor 
we  are  to  understand  merely  the  rendering  of 
obedience,  as  seems  to  be  implied  iu  verse  13, 
then  it  would  not  be  doubtful  as  to  its  proper 
limits.  The  word  of  the  apostle:  "  We  ought  to 
obey  God  rather  than  man"  (Acts  v.  29)  is  very 
conclusive  and  direct,  and  needs  no  further  con- 
firmation. The  church-fathers  of  the  first  cen- 
luries,  in  treating  of  this  point,  strongly  assert 
i  hat  we  should  honor  the  authorities  in,  and  not  as 
opposed  to  God.  Comp.  J.  Gerhard,  in  De  magis- 
tratu  politico,  j)  474.  Then  when  the  stability  of 
order  within  an  organized  communily  is  attacked 
and  overthrown  in  defiance  of  right, — and  such 
was  the  eitualion  in  Persia  when  Haman  in  an 
inimical  maimer  attacked  the  Jews,  who  up  to 
this  time  had  had  the  undisputed  right  to  live 
according  to  their  law  and  faith;  when  he  be- 
came to  them  an  Agagite  ami  an  Amalekite, — then 
resistance,  ami  individual  participation  therein, 
is:  justified  and  commanded.  This,  of  course, 
holds  within  the  limits  of  the  existing  order  of  a 


CHAP.  III.   1-15. 


people  and  of  the  individual  calling.  Stahl  (Die 
Partheien  in  Staat  u.  Kirche,  p  288),  as  also  Har- 
less [Chrittl.  Ethik,  \  54),  is  very  clear  on  (bis 
point  that,  "  the  doctrine  of  i  he  blamableuess  of 
any  active  resistance,  and  the  unconditioned 
obligation  of  passive  obedience  is  opposed  to  the 
Christian's  sacred  maintenance  of  right.  So  ulso 
is  the  assumption  false  that  obedience  must  be 
rendered  to  authority  because  it  is  authority. 
even  though  it  deny  and  disregard  all  right  and 
law  in  the  enforcement  of  its  own  claims  to  au- 
thority— an  authority  which  it  has  not  received 
fur  its  own  sake,  but  because  of  the  right  who^e 
guardian  and  executor  it  is  its  calliug  to  be" 
i  Harless,  as  above,  p.  541).  Hoffmann  (Schriflbe- 
u-tits,  II.,  2,  p.  4U9)  speaks  from  the  same  con- 
viction: "It  is  certainly  not  morally  permissi- 
ble that  one  people  rise  against  the  righteous 
order  in  the  existing  government  of  another  peo- 
ple, or  of  a  foreign  ruler.  But  it  is  a  moral 
duty  that  it  should  not  submit  to  be  despoiled  by 
a  foreign  power  of  that  element,  which,  in  God's 
order,  is  essential  to  its  existence  and  to  its  sub- 
stantial peculiarity."  Experience  has  ever  proved 
that  resistance  grounded  upon  a  good  conscience, 
and  supported  by  so  high  and  noble  an  enthusi- 
asm, is  indeed  countenanced  by  God  in  so  de- 
cided a  manner,  that  no  force,  however  great, 
can  accomplish  anything  against  it.  It  is  worthy 
of  notice  that  the  command  to  honor  the  king 
and  secular  authority  demands  more  than  obe- 
dience, it  embraces  also  regard  and  homage. 
Hence  arises  the  question,  whether  or  not  we 
ought  to  meet  certain  persons  with  esteem  and 
homage,  to  whom  we  must  refuse  obedience,  in- 
deed against  whom — in  contrast  with  Mordecai — 
we  are  compelled  to  offer  resistance.  There  are 
doubtless  many  cases  where  these  conditions  ob- 
tain. Such  a  case  would  especially  occur  where 
the  authorities  think  that  right  is  on  their  side. 
When  they  proceed  from  a  different  view  or  con- 
viction with  reference  to  the  case,  they  are  by 
no  means  to  he  disregarded.  The  admonition  in 
1  Peter  ii.  18  is  in  place  here:  "Servants,  be 
subject  to  your  masters  with  all  fear;  not  only  to 
the  good  and  gentle,  but  also  to  the  froward." 
Now  if  the  authorities,  as  says  Harless,  really 
assume  to  disregard  and  deny  right  and  law,  in 
its  claim  of  jurisdiction,  which  it  can  only  have 
as  the  guardian  and  executor  of  justice,  then 
practically  it  ceases  to  be  authority.  If  it  sanc- 
tion oppression  and  pillage;  if  it  touch  the  ex- 
isting right,  religion,  anil  conscience,  then  it 
becomes  a  chief  enemy  of  those  who  will  not  sub- 
mit to  the  spoiling  of  these  possessions — for  so 
did  Hainan,  nor  otherwise  could  he  justly  be 
called  an  Agagite. 

Hence  homage  can  only  be  denied  to  the  ma- 
gisterial office  where  the  bearer  of  the  name  is 
regarded  as  unworthy  of  the  position  he  occupies. 
An  external  homage,  in  connection  with  which 
one  must  manifest  hostility,  would  then  become 
hypocrisy,  and  the  more  so  since  instead  of  giving 
the  honor  due  from  a  sincere  heart,  we  can  only 
despise  and  execrate.  To  refuse  it  is  only  to  act 
honestly,  though  it  often  requires  courage.  This 
is  the  more  necessary  since  the  opposition  is 
grounded  upon  and  confined  to  what  is  permitted 
according  io  right,  and  calling.  As  was  the  case 
with  Mordecai,  we  should  lake  an  early  oppor- 


tunity to  manifest  our  determination  to  refuse 
homage  to  authority,  since  its  false  ways  cannot 
be  too  severely  condemned. 

On  vers.  8-15.  1.  So  long  as  Israel  possess^! 
a  political  independence  the  chief  support  of  its 
religion  had  been  the  State.  The  State  had  ju- 
risdiction over  its  own  laws  and  (hose  of  reli- 
gion. Now,  however,  the  State  takes  an  opposite 
stand  to  its  religion.  The  complaint  of  Hainan 
was,  that  this  people  had  different  laws  from 
those  of  the  other  peoples  of  the  kingdom,  and 
hence  did  not  obey  those  of  (he  king  (which  was 
correct  as  regarded  the  laws  that  were  opposed 
to  its  own).  For  this  reason  also,  Ahasuerus 
permitted  the  decree  for  the  extermination  of 
Israel.  The  State,  even  at  this  period,  could  not 
avoid  demanding  decided  submission;  and  where 
it  encountered  insuperable  obstinacy  it  adopted 
extreme  measures,  even  banishment  and  exter- 
mination. But  it  would  have  been  better  had  it 
been  tolerant  to  the  last  degree.  All  the  means 
of  might  were  at  its  command,  by  which  to  carry 
out  its  will.  All  the  offices  and  organizations 
which  the  State  had  established  for  the  weal  of 
its  subjects,  as  is  indicated  in  vers.  12  and  15, 
could  have  been  employed  in  their  subjection. 
One  might  feel  inclined  to  ask  whether,  in  view 
of  all  these  things,  there  remained  any  hope  for 
Mordecai;  whether  his  opposition  did  not,  at  the 
very  beginning,  promise  to  be  futile.  Doubiless 
his  hope  was  in  Him  for  whose  honor  he  was 
jealous:  namely,  in  the  living  God.  That  Being 
now  desires  to  make  manifest  for  all  ages  by  a 
striking  example,  that  He  can  sustain  His  people, 
not  only  wilhout  the  aid  of  any  civil  power,  but 
also  in  opposition  to  a  foreign  State.  Indeed  He 
can  preserve  it  even  amid  the  heathen,  in  spite 
of  all  distracting  elements.  Hence  the  church 
need  not  fear,  be  the  relation  of  the  State  what, 
it  may.  The  Lord  knows  how  to  make  even  the 
most  unfavorable  circumstances  serviceable  and 
useful  to  the  church. 

2.  If  now  we  inquire  upon  what  natural  basis 
Mordecai  could  establish  his  hope,  then  we  ob- 
serve that  truth  was  on  his  side.  That  which  is 
rejected  of  God,  instead  of  being  honored,  is  to 
be  abhorred.  Hence  for  him  who  believed  in 
the  true  God,  no  doubt  existed  but  that  this  truth 
would  eventually  obtain  a  more  general  recogni- 
tion. But  in  order  to  this,  a  still  longer  develop- 
ment was  needed.  Heathendom  must  first  be- 
come conscious  of  itself,  i.  e.t  of  its  own  weak- 
ness and  impotence,  which  were  a  part  of  its 
existence  in  spite  of  all  external  power;  then 
only  can  it  learn  to  know  the  true  God.  For  the 
present,  it  was  the  weakness  and  failing,  which 
attached  to  the  leaders  of  heathenism,  that  offered 
resting-places  for  the  helping  hand  of  God. 
Whether  these  were  already  well  known  to  Mor- 
decai is  doubtful;  but  to  our  eyes  they  are  al- 
ready manifest  in  this  chapter.  Haman  would 
not  venture  to  come  before  Ahasuerus  and  ex- 
hibit his  wounded  vanity  and  spirit  of  revenge; 
and  Ahasuerus  does  not  desire  to  reveal  the  fact 
that  he  is  anxious  to  possess  the  money  of  the 
Jews.  However,  with  the  former  vanity,  and 
with  the  latter  an  inordinate  desire  for  money, 
plays  the  chief  part.  They  would  have  it  appear 
as  if  their  acts  were  done  under  I  be  impulse  of 
right  an.l  duly.     They  would  kill  off  the  people 


58 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


of  God  with  proper  decency.  They  dissemble; 
bat  they  1  hereby  gain  only  a  self-condemnation 
of  their  own  evil  motives.  An  official  who  is 
guilty  of  dissembling,  is  in  danger  of  being  un- 
masked; and  a  prince  who  is  so  weak  as  to  be 
led  by  a  motive  of  which  he  must  needs  be 
ashamed,  especially  in  such  a  grave  and  extraor- 
dinary occurrence,  easily  exposes  also  other 
weaknesses.  Hence  it  would  not  be  difficult  for 
others  likewise  to  gain  the  ascendency  over  him, 
who  could  easily  dissuade  him  from  a  purpose, 
even  after  the  same  had  become  an  irrevocable 
edict.  The  remark  at  the  close  of  the  chapter  is 
also  very  significant  and  characteristic.  A  prince 
and  an  officer  who  at  the  time  when  the  inhabi- 
tants of  their  chief  city  are  in  the  greatest  con- 
sternation, when  ab  ve  all  an  entire  people  is 
thrown  into  mortal  fear  of  their  life,  can  sit  down 
to  eat  and  drink,  manifest  either  an  inhumanity, 
which  would  easily  arouse  a  general  revolt,  or 
an  evil  conscience  which  already  foretells  the 
failure  of  their  plans.  If  we  ask  respecting  the 
natural  foundations  upon  which  the  expectation 
of  an  eventual  victory  of  Christianity  is  based, 
in  the  face  of  all  the  assaults  and  dangers  to 
which  it  is  exposed,  then  the  power  of  truth,  as 
it  breaks  its  way  and  compels  universal  recogni- 
tion, would  emphatically  answer  the  question, 
and  be  the  main  point  of  reliance.  The  expe- 
rience of  centuries  teaches  oue  fact  definite'y 
and  variously,  that  there  is  salvation  in  no  other, 
and  that  no  other  name  is  given  to  men  whereby 
they  may  be  saved,  than  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ. 
But  the  weaknesses  of  those  who  deem  themselves 
strong  will  ever  be  a  matter  of  observation. 
Christians  should  be  better  informed  than  they 
often  are,  of  the  impotency  and  nothingness  of 
those  in  opposition  to  them.  They  have  a  clear 
right  to  the  question  :  What  can  men  do  to  us  ? 
Even  their  opponents  must  acknowledge,  if  they 
are  not.  too  much  blinded,  that  in  those  nations 
among  which  the  pure  faith  reigns  supreme, 
there  is  a  different  type  of  fidelity,  conscientious-  i 
ness,  devotion,  and  readiness  to  make  sacrifices  > 


than  among  those  who  have  been  dried  up  by 
the  sun  of  false  enlightenment.  The  course  of 
events  will  soon  compel  them  to  see  their  mistake. 
Brexz:  "This  is  plainly  what  Christ  after- 
wards said  to  His  little  church;  that  is,  His  dis- 
ciples; 'Verily,  verily  I  say  unto  you,  ye  shall 
weep  and  lament,  but  the  world  shall  rejoice; 
and  ye  siiall  be  sorrowful,  but  your  sorrow  shall 
be  turned  into  joy.'  For  as  in  the  passion  of 
Christ  the  chief  priests  triumphed,  and  the  sol- 
diers-mocked, but  Christ  hung  on  the  cross  and 
was  afflicted  with  exceeding  misery,  so  the  joy 
of  the  wicked  will  be  at  its  highest  over  the  sor- 
row of  the  godly.  .  .  .  But  that  is  most  true 
which  we  read:  'The  triumphing  of  the  wicked 
(is)  short,  and  the  joy  of  the  hypocrite  (hut)  for 
a  moment.  Though  bis  excellency  mount  up  to 
the  heavens  and  his  head  reach  unto  the  clouds; 
(yet)  he  shall  perish  for  ever  like  his  own  dung: 
they  whicli  have  seen  him  shall  say,  Where  (is) 
he?'  "  Feeardent:  "Observe  now  how  active 
everything  is  in  this  matter,  and  how  all  con- 
spires for  the  extermination  of  the  people  of 
God.  The  terrible  sentence  is  defined  and  de- 
scribed in  as  many  languages  and  modes  as  there 

are  peoples  in  the  empire But  while  the 

godly  are  in  great  distress,  as  they  anticipate  the 
fatal  day  of  the  cruel  execution,  the  king  and  Ha- 
inan indulge  in  drunkenness  and  lust  and  joy. 
So  perisheth  the  righteous,  and  no  man  layeth 
it  to  heart  (Isa.  Ivii.  1).  So  the  servants  of  God 
are  oppressed  by  the  agents  of  the  Devil.     So 

cruelty  triumphs But  it  is  well.     There 

is  a  God  in  the  heavens."  Starke:  "When 
wicked  men  cannot  otherwise  persecutethe  pious, 
then  his  religion  and  laws  must  furnish  them 
with  a  cause  and  a  covering  for  their  evil  inten- 
tions (Acts  xvi.  21,  22).  In  important  matters 
it  is  not  good  to  render  a  hasty  judgment,  it  is 
better  to  reflect  (Isa.  xxviii.  7).  God  permits 
the  wicked  to  have  success  beyond  their  own 
expectation  at  times,  but  afterward  destruction 
will  come  all  the  more  unexpectedly.  (Ps.  xxxvii. 
35,  36;  Job  x.  45.") 


SECOND    SECTION. 


The  Conflict  of  Opposites. 
Chapters  IV.  V. 

A.— MORDECAI,  GREATLY  SORROWING  WITH  HIS  PEOPLE,  URGES  ESTHER  TO 
PLEAD  FOR  MERCY  WITH   THE   KING. 

Chapter  IV.  1-17. 

I.    Communication  between  Mordecai  and  Esther.  Vers.  1-5. 

1  When  [And]  Mordecai  perceived  [knew]  all  that  was  done,   [and,   i.  e.  then] 
Mordecai  rent  his  clothes,  and  put  on  sackcloth  with  [and]  ashes,  and  went  out  into 

2  the  midst  of  the  city,  and  cried1  with  a  loud  [great]  and  o  bitter  cry ;  And  came 
even  before  the  king's  gate:  for  none  might  [there  was  none  to]  enter  [go]  into  the 


CHAP.  IV.  1-17. 


59 


3  king's  gate  clothed  with  [in  clothing  of]  sackcloth.  And  in  every  province,2  whi- 
thersoever [the  place  that]  the  king's  commandment  [word]  and  his  decree  [lav] 
came  [was  approaching],  there  was  great  mourning  among  [for]  the  Jews,  anil 
fasting,  and  weeping,  and  wailing  [smiting  the  breast]  :  and  many  lay  in  sack-cloth 

4  and  ashes  [sack-cloth  and  ashes  was  strown  for  the  many].  So  [And]  Esther's 
maids  and  her  chamberlains  [eunuchs]  came  and  told  it  her.  Then  [And]  was 
the  queen  exceedingly  grieved ;  and  she  sent  raiment  to  clothe  Mordecai,  and  to 

5  take  away  his  sackcloth  from  [upon]  him :  but  [and]  he  received  it  not.  Then 
[And]  called  Esther  for  [to]  Hatach,  one  of  the  king's  chamberlains  [eunuchs], 
whom  he  had  appointed  to  attend  upon  [stationed  before]  her,  and  gave  him  a  com- 
mandment [enjoined  him]  to  [upon,  i.  e.  concerning]  Mordecai,  to  know  what  it 
was,  and  why  it  was. 

11.  Mordecai  commissions  Us/her  to  present  his  petition ;  but  she  raises  a  point  of  difficulty.   Vers.  6-11. 

6  So  [And]  Hatach  went  forth  to  Mordecai  unto  the  street  of  the  city,  which  was 

7  before  the  king's  gate :  and  Mordecai  told  him  of  all  that  had  happened  unto  him, 
and  of  the  sum  [designation]  of  the  money  [silver]  that  Hainan  had  promised 
[said]  to  pay  to  [upon]  the  king's  treasuries  for  [in  consideration  of]  the  Jews,  to 

8  destroy  [cause  them  to  perish]  :  Also  [And]  he  gave  him  the  copy  of  the  writing 
of  the  decree  [law]  that  was  given  at  Shushan  to  destroy  them,  to  show  it  unto 
Esther,  and  to  declare  [tell]  it  unto  her,  and  to  charge  [enjoin  upon]  her  that  she 
should  go  [to  go]  in  unto  the  king,  to  make  supplication  unto  him,  and  to  make 

9  request  before  him  for  [upon]  her  people.     And  Hatach  came  and  told  Esther  the 

10  words  of  Mordecai;  Again  [And]  Esther  spake  [said]  unto  Hatach,  and  gave  him 

11  commandment  [enjoined  him]  unto  Mordecai;  All  the  king's  servants,  and  the 
people  of  the  king's  provinces,  do  know  [are  knowing],  that  whosoever,  whether 
man  [every  man]  or  [and]  woman,  shall  [who  shall]  come  unto  the  king  into  the 
inner  court,  who  is  not  [shall  not  be]  called,  there  is  one  law  of  his  to  put  him  to 
death,  except  such  to  whom  the  king  shall  hold  out  the  golden  sceptre,  that  [and] 
he  may  live ;  but  Is  have  not  been  called  to  come  in  unto  the  king  these  [this] 
thirty  days. 

III.   Mordecai  presents  his  request  still  more  urgently,  and  Esther  promises  to  execute  it.   Vers.  12-17. 

12,  13  And  they  told  to  Mordecai  Esther's  words.  Then  [And]  Mordecai  commanded 
[said]  to  answer  Esther,  Think  not  with  thyself  [in  thy  spirit]   that  thou  shalt 

14  escape  in  [to  deliver]  the  king's  house  more  than  all  the  Jews.  For  [But]  if  thou 
altogether  boldest  thy  peace  at  this  time,  then  shall  there  enlargement  and  deliver- 
ance arise  to  the  Jews  from  another  place ;  but  [and]  thou  and  thy  father's  house 
shall  be  destroyed  [utterly  perish]  ;  and  who  knoweth  whether  thou  art  come  [hast 

15  approached]  to  the  kingdom  for  such  a  time  as  this  ?     Then  [And]  Esther  bade  them 

16  [said  to]  return  Mordecai  thisanswer;  Go,  gather  toe/ether  all  the  Jews  that  are  present 
[found]  in  Shusan,  and  fast  ye  for  [upon]  me,  and  neither  eat  [eat  not]  nor  drink 
[and  drink  not]  three  days,  night  or  [and]  day :  I  also  and  my  maidens  will  fast 
likewise ;  and  so  will  I  go  in  unto  the  king,  which  is  not  according  to  the  law ; 

17  and  if  [whereas]  I  perish  [have  perished],  I  perish  [have  perished].  So  [And] 
Mordecai  went  his  way  [passed]  and  did  according  to  all  that  Esther  had  com- 
manded [enjoined  upon]  him. 


TEXTUAL   AND    GRAMMATICAL. 


1  [Ver.  1.    p^'t,  a  later  or  Aramaean  form  for  py'i,  seems  to  be  intensive  of  SOp,  including  the  simple  call 

for  help,  TIC  and  the  shriek  from  pain  or  danger,  pJX.  and  denotes  an  earnest  and  vociferous  demonstration. 
— Tr.]  I 

2  |  Ver.  S.  See  Note  7  in  preceding  section. — Tr.] 

8  [Ver.  11.  The  pronoun,  being  expressed  in  the  original,  is  emphatic. — Tr.] 


EXEGETICAL    AND    CRITICAL. 

The  author  manifestly  desires  to  show  in  this 
chapter  how  very  difficult  it  was  for  Mordecai  to 


make  even  the  one  effort  to  save  his  people  from 
destruction.  But  he  was  faithful  and  persistent  ; 
taking  step  after  step  until  the  object  was  attained. 
He  here  entered  a  conflict  which  was  forced  upon 
him,  and  which    he   was   unable   to   avert.     But 


CO 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


thereby  lie  ran  the  greatest  danger  both  for  him- 
self and  for  Esther,  whom  he  required  to  assist 
him.  Three  separate  endeavors  are  recorded  by 
our  author  as  made  on  the  part  of  Mordecai  in 
order  to  involve  Esther  in  this  conflict.  The  first 
was  preparatory,  being  designed  simply  to  es- 
tablish a  connection  with  her;  of  the  second  the 
only  result  was  the  objections  raised  by  Esther; 
and  in  the  third  she  expressed  her  willinguess 
a  id  her  resignation  to  a  possible  fate. 

Vers.  1—5.  Here  is  described  the  first  step.  The 
first,  thing  Mordecai  did  was  to  take  a  leading 
part  in  the  general  sorrow  of  the  Jews.  Thereby 
he  attracted  the  aliention  of  Esther,  and  induced 
her  not  only  to  send  him  other  garments  than 
those  of  mourning,  but  also  to  send  a  confidential 
messenger  through  whom  lie  could  communicate 
with  her.  Ver.  1.  When  Mordecai  perceived 
all  that  was  done. —  \s  is  told  us  in  ver.  7. 
Mordecai  was  even  informed  as  to  the  sum  of 
mouey  which  Hainan  expected  to  obtain  by  de- 
stroying the  Jews.  Possibly  some  of  Hainan's 
intimate  friends  heard  of  it  and  spoke  of  it  in 
the  king's  gate  where  Mordecai  could  hear  it. 
Mordecai  rent  his  clothes,  and  put  on 
sackcloth  with  ashes,  I.  c,  a  garment  of  hair 
clo'h,  and  with  the  same  also  put  on  ashes,  by 
strewing  ashes  over  his  person  and  clothing 
(comp.  Dan.  is.  3  ;  Job  ii.  12).*  And  went 
out  into  the  midst  of  the  city. — He  did  not 
conceal  the  fact  that  he  was  in  deep  distress. 
and  cried  ■with  a  loud  and  bitter  cry;  lit- 
erally, occurs  in  Gen.  xxvii.  34  with  reference  to 
Esau. 

Ver.  2.  And  came  even  before  the  king's 
gate,  !.  «.,  up  to  the  f"ee  place  that  was  before 
the  entrance  to  the  royal  palace  (comp.  ver.  6), — 
further  he  could  not  come,  no  more  could  he 
come  into  the  gate  of  the  palace  as  before — for 
none  (might)  enter  into  the   king's  gate 

clothed  with  sackcloth. — So  N137  "X,  comp. 
Ewald.  <S  321  c. 

Ver.  -3.  Many  other  Jews  also  mourned.  The 
sorrow  was  general.  Despite  the  elevation  of 
Esther  her  people  now  had  everywhere  only  dis- 
tress and  grief,  instead  of  honor  and  joy.  It 
seems  as  if  the  author  would  here  describe  how 
the  Jews  were  treated  contrary  to  what  one  would 
naturally  expect  after  the  elevation  of  Esther. 
He  would  here,  doubtless,  also  give  prominence 
to  the  remarkable  mode  which  Mordecai  adopted 
to  secure  the  attention  of  Esther.  Further  in 
ver.  3  he  would  show  us  how  pressing  was  the 
need  of  every  possible  endeavor  for  their  preser- 
vation. And  in  every  province,  whither- 
soever the  king's  commandment  and  his 
decree  came,  etc—Dip"!  is  the  Accusative  of 
place  found  in  stat.  constr.  before  *li?5<,  as  in  ch. 
viii.  17;  Eccl.  xi.  3  ;  comp.  Lev.  iv.  24  D'lpOS 
T^.  And  many  lay  in  sackcloth  and 
ashes. — While  all  gave  vent  to  their  distress  and 
tears,  many  manifested  their  sorrow  by  putting 
on  sackcloth  and  sitting  in  ashes  (comp.  Isa. 
lviii.  5). 

Ver.  4.  The  first  object  that  Mordecai  gained  by 


*  ["To  rend  one's  clothes  in  grief  was  as  much  a 
Persian  as  a  Jewish  i  ractice  (see  Herod,  viii.  90; 
-Slsehylua,  Pers.  540-1, 10J8,  etc.)."  Kawlinson.— TuJ 


his  public  grief  was  that  he  drew  the  attention  of 
Esther's  women-servants  and  eunuchs,  i.  e.,  such 
as  were  assigned  her  for  her  exclusive  service 
(comp.  chap.  ii.  9),  and  they  gave  notice  to  the 
queen.  Though  they  had  not  as  yet  discovered 
the  nationality  of  Esther,  stilt  they  became  aware 
of  Esther's  relation  to  Mordecai,  who  on  his  part 
was  very  diligent  in  his  inquiries  concerning 
her.  Hence  they  delayed  not  to  inform  the  queen 
of  all  that  they  know  of  him.  Following  the  Ke- 
thib  we  should  read  CU'XUffl.  As  this  prolonged 
form  of  the  word  does  nut  usually  occur  after  a 
Vav.  cons.,  the  Keri  has  tue  form  njXUm.      The 

T  T_ 

object  of  WSf  is  found  in  what  follows:  the  pre- 
sent appearance  of  Mordecai  in  mourning  gar- 
ments was  not  the  cause  (comp.  ver.  5) ;  but  this 
was   enough   to   give  her   considerable   anxiety. 

^1?D'?'?2'  a  Passive  intensive  from  7in,  they  were 
seized  as  with  pains  of  delivery.  She  sent  clothes 
to  her  guardian,  that  he  might  put  them  on, 
doubtless,  that  thereby  he  might  agaiu  stand  in 
the  gate  of  the  king,  and  so  relate  to  her  the 
cause  of  his  grief.  But  he  refused  them,  not  only 
because  he  would  wear  no  other  than  garments 
of  mourning,  but  because  he  desired  a  private 
opportunity  to  communicate  with  her. 

Ver.  5.  Mordecai  accomplished  his  object,  and 
Hatach  the  eunuch  was  sent  to  him  to  obtain  par- 
ticulars. "TJ37  TDJJ7T,  the  king  had  appointed 
Hatach  to  serve  Esther;  hence  he  belonged  to 
her  eunuchs  (ver.  4).  'Ti'  THSfll,  she  commis- 
sioned him  with  respect  to  or  7j£,  substantially  simi' 
lar  to  7S,  "she  sent  him  to,"  (comp.  ver.  10). 

Vers.  6-11.  Here  we  have  the  second  step.  In 
the  face  of  the  greatness  of  the  dangerthat  threat- 
ened the  Jews  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected  but 
that  Mordecai  should  make  a  request  of  Esther 
whose  fulfilment  would  be  very  serious  in  its  con- 
sequences.— -Vers.  6  and  7.  When  Hatach  had 
proceeded  to  the  open  place  before  the  palace,  he 
found  Mordecai,  who  in  the  hope  that  Esther 
would  do  something  more,  had  remained  there 
longer  or  more  frequently  resorted  thither.  Then 
Mordecai  informed  him  of  all  that  had  occurred 
and  that  now  threatened  the  Jews,  and  mentioned 
also  the  sum  of  money  that  Haman  promised  to 
place  in  the  king's  treasury,  in  return  for  the 
extermination  of  the  Jews.  This  he  did,  no 
doubt,  to  show  what  low  and  despicable  motives 
were  at  play  in  the  matter  ;  and  thus  he  very  na- 
turally hoped  to  excite  the  greater  indignation 
and  wrath  in  Esther.  She  must  not  be  left  to  think 
that  Haman  had  found  the  Jews  guilty  of  real 
transgressions  when  he  obtained  the  consent  of 
the  king.  That  the  king  had  remitted  the  mo- 
ney to  Haman,  is  not  referred  to  here  because 
not   pertinent.     iTi'13    derived  from  D">3  to  cut 

*  T    T  T  -T 

off,  separate,  then  to  define  correctly  (comp.  Lev. 
xxiv.  12),  the  exact  statement  of  a  thing,  ;'.  e., 
here,  of  the  amount,  sum  of  money  to  be  given. 
For  the  Jews,  to  destroy  them,  means  when 
the  Jews  would  be  surrendered  to  him  with  per- 
mission to  destroy  them.  The  Kethib  form  of 
D"^^  is  less  frequently  used  for  EPTWT,  which 
is  found  in  chap.  viii.  1,  7,  13;  ix.  15,  18. 


CHAP.  IV.   1-17. 


61 


Ver.  8.  Also  he  gave  him  the  copy  of  the 
writing  of  the  decree  that  was  given  at 
Shushan  fcouip.  chap,  iii.  15),  to  destroy 
them,  t.  e  ,  which  ordered  them  to  be  destroyed. 
jJC/ri^  uou.ll  here  have  the  meaning  of  ■'  copy  ;" 
but  the  reuderiug  "contents"  of  the  writing  of 
the  deoree  is  preferable,  (couip.  Ezra  iv.  11). 
Possibly  Mordeeai  had  briefly  noted  down  the 
substance  of  the  decree.  To  shew  (it)  unto 
Esther,  and  to  declare  (it)  unto  her, 
and  to  charge  her  that  she  should  go 
in  unto   the   king  to  make   supplication 

unto  him. — TJn7?,  contrary  to  the  accents,  is 
by  Bertheau  and  keil  connected  with  what  fol- 
lows, as  if  it  were  the  same  in  sense  with  HUSH 
t\hy.  But  it  rather  belongs  to  what  precedes 
according  to  its  import.  Hatach  was  to  show 
the  writing  to  Esther  and  give  her  the  substance 
of  the  information  it  conveyed.  It  is  quite  pos- 
sible that  Esther  could  read  it  herself;  Morde- 
cai  sent  the  copy  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  Ha- 
tach to  give  the  proper  meaning  of  its  contents. 
The  infinitives  with  ^  are  here  best  translated 
by  "in  order  that."  To  declare  (explain)  it 
unto  her,  and  to  charge  her  to  go  in  unto 
the  king,  to  make  supplication  unto  him 

...  for  her  people.—  i?P3  with  >J?  here,  as  in 
cbap.  vii.  7.  means:  to  entreat,  supplicate  for 
something  diligently  (comp.  Ezra  viii.  23).  She 
should  petition  relief  for  her  people. 

Vers.  9—11.  Mordeeai  elicited  only  the  answer  : 
All  the  king's  servants,  and  the  people  of 
the  king's  provinces,  do  know,  that  who- 
soever, whether  man  or  woman  shall  come 

unto  the  king,  ete.—TOhW  tf'X-  73  is  prefixed 
as  a  Norn,  aksol.  The  predicate  with  OT1  ^0? 
follows  as  an  anacoluthon :  "one  is  his  law,"  /. 
«.,  one  law  extendi  to  all.  IDT  is  the  law  having 
reference  in  li is  case.  Its  substance  reads  briefly  : 
JVOn  7,  to  kill,  i.  e.,  him.  One  was  not  even  al- 
lowed  to  enter  the  inner  court-yard,  much  less  the 
king's  palace.  That  the  king  resided  in  the  in- 
ner court  before  the  royal  house  (Bertheau  and 
Keil),  would  not  follow  from  chap.  v.  1.  Every 
one  was  to  be  killed,  except  him  toward  whom  the 

king  extended  the  golden  sceptre.  ]p  "l?~i,  ex- 
cept, as  for  example,  Ex.  xii.  23;  Josh.  xvii.  5. 
train,  from  DU",  found  only  in  this  book  (in 
eh.ip.  v.  2  and  viii.  4),  in  the  Aramaic  tongue 
signifies  "  to  reach  out  towards,  to  extend,"  and 
is  connected  with  OV.  I31K'.  In  the  time  of  Dei- 
oces  the  Mede,  approach  to  the  king  was  already 
very  difficult  (Herod.  I.  0)  :  and  among  the  Per- 
sians, with  very  few  exceptions  (Herod.  III.  11^), 
no  one  was  permitted  to  approach  the  king  with 
out  a  notice  (comp.  chap.  i.  14;  and  Herod.  III. 
140;  also  C.  Nep.  Connn,  e.  3).  According  to 
our  verse  the  sense  of  the  law  is  not  that  no  one 
should  approach  unannounced,  but  that  no  one 
should  approach  unless  called.  But  the  sense 
of  both  is  the  same.  If  one  must  give  due  notice 
of  approach,  one  must  first  be  also  accepted  ;  but 
to  be  accepted  is  to  be  called.     As  regards  that 


law  any  one  was  free  to  give  notice  of  his  ap- 
proach (conip.  Herodot.  III.  140),  and  hence 
arises  the  question,  why  Esther  kept  this  privi- 
lege out  of  sight.  Josephus  says  [Antiq  XI.  6, 
3)  that  the  husband  of  Esther  (according  to  him 
Arlaxerxes)  forbade  his  people,  by  a  special  law, 
to  approach  him  while  he  sat  upon  the  throne. 
Hut  he  would  manifestly  give  greater  weight  to 
our  explanation.  If  we  desire  to  find  the  correct 
answer  we  must  not  overlook  the  remark  of  Es- 
ther, that  she  had  not  been  called  to  the  king  for 
now  thirty  days.*  Possibly  she  apprehended 
that  the  king  had  become  somewhat  indifferent 
to  her,  and  that,  if  she  were  to  announce  herself 
without  being  called  by  him,  she  would  be  re- 
fused admittance  to  his  presence.  This  would 
have  made  the  venture  still  more  dangerous.  Ac- 
cording to  cbap.  iii.  7,  nearly  five  jears  had 
passed  since  their  marriage.  Hence  she  had 
possibly  been  somewhat  forgotten.  It  could 
hardly  appear  otherwise  in  her  eyes  than  that  it 
was  best  to  approach  the  king  unannounced  and 
place  reliance  on  the  fact  that  her  appearance 
should  kindle  his  love  anew.f 

Vers.  12-17.  The  third  step.  In  order  to  move 
Esther  to  a  compliance  with  his  request,  despite 
her  hesitation,  Mordeeai  had  it  reported  to  her 
(ver.  13) :  Think  not  with  thyself  that  thou 
shalt  escape  in  the  king's  house,  more 
than  all  the  Jews. — To  be  saved  does  not  here 
mean,  if  I  only  am  saved,  the  others  do  not  concern 
me,  as  if  Mordeeai  would  warn  her  of  a  selfish 
and  indifferent  feeling  toward  her  people.  But, 
the  sense  is:  "  Do  not  think  that  thou  shalt  es- 
cape, or  that  thou  art  better  off."  This  is  clear 
from  ver.  14  :  For  if  thou  altogether  held 
est  thy  peace,  not  making  intercession  with 
the  king,  at  this  time,  (then  )  shall  there  en- 
largement and  deliverance  arise  to  the 
Jews  from  another  place;  but  thou  and 
thy  father's  house  shall  be  destroyed,  i.  e., 
he  not  better  off.  but  worse.  That  the  entire 
Jewish  people  cannot  be  thus  destroyed  is  a  mat- 
ter self-evident  to  Mordeeai.  This  is  an  incon- 
testable truth,  under  all  circumstances,  which  in 
his  mind  is  made  sure  by  the  divine  promises. 
And  although  neither  God  nor  God's  assurances 
are  here  mentioned,  still,  as  is  justly  remarked  by 
Brenz:  "We  have  this  noble  and  clearly  heroic 
faith  of  Mordeeai,  which  sees  the  future  deliver- 
ance, even  amidst  the  most  immediate  and  immi- 
nent danger."  Those  Jews  only  can  and  must 
be  destroyed,  in  his  opinion,  who,  when  it  con- 
cerns the  preservation  of  the  people,  do  not  per- 
form their  duty.  It  is  very  improbable  that  he 
should  think  that  Haman  has  not  power  sufficient 
to  cause  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  nation  as 
a   whole,  but  merely  of  that   detested  Mordeeai 


*  ["According  to  Herodotus  (iii.  69).  the  wives  of  a 
Persian  king,  whether  primary  or  secondary,  shared 
liis  bed  in  rotation.    As  their  number  sometimes  ex- 

ided   three   hundred,  the  turn  of  a  particular  wife 

miljrht  not  come  for  nearly  a  year."  Rawlinson. — Tk.] 

t  rAs  to  The  golden  sceptre  Rawlinson  observes.  "A 
modem  critic  asks:  'Is  it  likely  that  a  Persian  king 
would  always  have  a  golden  sceptre  by  him  to  stretch 
«,nt  towards  intruders  on  his  privacy?'  It  seems  enough 
to  reply  that  in  all  the  numerous  representations  of 
Persian  kings  at  Persepolis,  there  is  not  one  in  which 
the  monarch  does  not  held  a  long  tapering  staff! which 
is  probably  the  'sceptre'  of  Esther;  in  his  right  hand."' 
-fa.J 


62 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


and  his  family,  hence  also  Esther,  must  die  (Ber- 
theau, — otherwise  he  would  not,  have  said:  ''thou 
and  thy  father's  house,"  but  *' thy  father's  house 
and  ihou,  ye  shall  perish."  He  here  makes  re- 
ference rather  to  a  divine  punishment  that  shall 
come  upon  Esther  first,  but  on  her  account  also 
upon  her  father's  house.  nn  =  nnn  (Ex.  viii. 
11)  means  relief  from  pressure  because  of  want 
of  air.  "n#  in  later  language  may  have  been 
given  the  me  ining  of  Dip,  so  that  it  should  mean 
to  arise,  to  go  forth,  to  be  (1  Chron.  xx.  4).  But 
it  may  also  signify  :  deliverance  will  be  established 
(Bertheau),  or  stand  ready.  The  "other  place" 
is  not  Ood  as  immediate  for  help,  but  another 
agent  of  God,  in  contrast  with  Esther.  Mordecai 
means:  God  will  find  other  instruments  whom 
He  will  employ,  if  thou  wilt  not  serve  Him.  The 
last  sentence  of  ver.  14  is,  by  most  interpreters, 
declared  to  mean;  "  And  who  knows  but  that 
thou  hast  been  elevated  to  be  queen  for  just  such 
an  emergency  as  this,  where  there  is  danger, 
which  thou  shouldst  assist  in  averting,  so  that 
thou  canst  easily  help.  But  if  thou  wilt  not  help, 
thou  wilt  not  escape  an  especially  severe  sen- 
tence." But  to  take  DS  in  the  sense  of  N7H,  is 
to  say  the  least,  venturesome,  and  cannot  be  jus- 
tified by  the  fact  that  gT  V3  is  sometimes,  (but 
without  DX)  used  in  the  sense  of  perhaps  (2  Sam. 
xii.  22;  Joel  ii.  14;  Jonah  iii.  9).  Again  it  does 
not  correspond  to  the  sense  of  "  if,"  "  whether;" 
and  we  may  say  with  Bertheau:  "Who  knows, 
when  thou  hast  approached  the  royal  throne 
(beseechingly),  what  then  shall  happen,  whether 
the  king  will  not  receive  you  graciously;"  or 
again,  as  Keil  says  :  "  Who  knows  but  that  thou 
hast  attained  to  royalty  for  just  bucIi  a  time  as 
this  (as  was  no  doubt  true),  what  shall  then  be 
done  by  thee?"  Mordecai  would  perhaps  say, 
by  way  of  adding  to  the  before-expressed  threat, 
"  Thou  shalt  be  destroyed,  if  thou  art  silent :  and 
who  knows  whether  thou  shalt  really  be  coura- 
geous enough  to  speak  for  us,  and  thereby  ma- 
nifest to  us  that,  for  just  such  a  time  as  this  thou 
wast  elevated  to  royal  dignity?"  A  doubt  such 
as  this  would  evidently  be  the  most  power- 
ful incentive  to  her  to  do  what  was  requested 
of  her. 

Ver.  15,  In  fact  this  resolve  was  reached  by 
her.  She  made  request  that  Mordecai,  together 
with  the  Jews  in  Shushan,  should  fast  three  days 
and  nights  in  her  behalf.  Doubtless  she  thus 
expected  to  secure  the  help  and  protection  of 
God  for  that  eventful  hour  and  step,  and  there- 
fore she  declared,  with  great  resignation,  that 
she  would  venture  to  fulfil  their  request.  This 
fast  could  only  mean  that  great  misery  impended 
over  their  heads,  that  with  a  contrite  spirit  God's 
hand  was  seen  in  this  event,  and  that  prayer  was 
made  to  God  for  help  (comp.  1  Kings  xxi.  27-29 ; 
Joel  i.  14;  Jonah  iii.  5).  That  Esther  still  does 
not  make  mention  of  God,  no  more  than  did  Mor- 
decai before  this  when  he  asserted  his  faith  in 
the  indeslructihilily  of  the  Jewish  nation,  may 
easily  be  explained,  as  has  been  observed  in  the 
Introduction,  $3,  by  remarking  that  it  pertains 
to  the  style  of  the  author.  To  the  expression: 
fast  ye  for  me,  Esther  adds:  and  neither  eat 


nor  drink  three  days,  night  nor  day,  in  or- 
der to  mark  the  severity  of  the  fast.  A  strict 
last  of  three  days  would  iudeed  have  been  a  se- 
vere task,  aud  Esther  would  thereby  have  done 
injury  to  her  appearance  (J.  D.  Michaelis).  But 
these  three  days  seem,  as  in  Jonah  ii.  1,  not  to  be 
clearly  understood;  hence  the  sense  would  be, 
from  this  day  until  the  third  day.  For  the  fast 
must  have  begun  on  the  same  day  that  Esther's 
answer  came  to  Mordecai.  The  "third  day" 
mentioned  in  chap.  v.  1  must  mean  the  third  day 
from  that  in  which  the  decision  of  Esther  was 
made.  This  decision  was  the  main  fact  from 
which  time  was  reckoned.  Of  course  we  cannot 
expect  that  Mordecai  should  that  very  day  have 
induced  all  the  Jews  in  Shushan  to  fast.  Still  it 
matters  not  so  much  that  not  all,  if  only  many, 
fasted. — And  so  will  I  go  in  unto  the  king, 
which  is  not,  etc. — 132,  i.  e.  under  sack  circum- 
stances, or  under  such  conditions.     TO  lO  ItfX 

7  T  -  _. 

may  simply  mean:  "which  is  not  legally  al- 
lowed," although  not,  etc.  1IVX  may  be  taken  in 
a  neuter  sense,  although  In?  "1£'X  reminds  us 
of    the    Aramaic     SO     -r1,     and    hence    it    can 

T 

easily  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  "  without  "  (comp. 
Ewald,  <!322c).  The  last  words:  And  if  I  pe- 
rish, I  perish,  are  an  expression  of  willing  sub- 
mission to  the  fate  that  may  threaten  her  in  the 
performance  of  her  duty  (comp.  Gen.  xliii.  14). 
Esther  had  great  cause  to  prepare  for  her  own 
destruclion.  She  not  only  proposed  to  go  to  the 
king  without  being  called,  but  also  to  request 
something  of  him,  which,  according  to  Persian 
custom,  it  was  impossible  to  grant.  She  would 
by  her  petition  recall  the  edict  and  thereby  seem 
to  disregard  the  royal  majesty.  She  would  and 
indeed  must  reveal  herself  asa  daughterof  thisde- 
tested  Jewish  people  thus  given  over  to  destruction. 
Last  of  all,  she  must  thereby  place  herself  in 
open  opposition  to  that  all-powerful  favorite, 
Haman. 

Ver.  17.  Mordecai  went  forth  to  fulfil  the 
wish  of  Esther.  The  verb  "0>'  has  induced  the 
Targums  and  older  interpreters,  as  J.  D.  Mi- 
chaelis, to  advance  the  opinion  that  he  had  vio- 
lated, "passed  over,"  namely,  the  law,  which 
ordered  the  Paschal  feast  to  be  celebrated  in  a 
joyous  manner  (from  chap.  iii.  12  it  might,  fol- 
low that  we  are  still  in  the  time  of  the  Passover) ; 
but  the  word  has  the  meaning  of:  going  away, 
going  further.  It  has  its  explanation  as  con- 
trasting with  what  Mordecai  had  done  before, 
since,  so  long  as  Esther's  answer  was  not  satis- 
factory, he  remained  standing  there. 

DOCTRINAL   AND   ETHICAL. 

Ver.  1  sqq.  1.  Mordecai  rends  his  clothing, 
and  puts  on  sack-cloth  and  ashes.  He  enters 
the  city  thus,  and  raises  a  great  and  bitter 
lamentation.  So  also  the  Church  of  God.  in  its 
development  as  regards  the  history  of  humanity, 
should  again  and  ever  anew  put  on  the  habili- 
ments of  mourning.  "The  world  shall  rejoice: 
and  ye  shall  be  sorrowful."  The  then  existing 
nation  of  Jews  could  not  manifest  its  loyalty  to 


CHAP.   IV.   1-17. 


63 


the  law  without  coming  into  conflict  with  hea- 
thendom. Nor  can  the  Church  bring  to  deve- 
lopment its  inherent  spiritual  powers  without 
challenging  all  the  Haitians  and  their  opposition 
in  the  world.  Even  this  present  period  is  an 
instance  in  proof.  Following  upon  the  great 
progress  of  the  things  of  the  kingdom  of  God 
since  the  time  of  wars  for  freedom,  we  must 
naturally  expect  reactions,  such  as  have  been 
manifest  in  the  sphere  of  science  and  other  rela- 
tions. Indeed,  we  must  constantly  look  for  in- 
creasing opposition  on  the  part  of  the  world. 
But  when  the  Church  shall  have  most  fully  deve- 
loped the  gifts  of  grace  granted  to  it,  then  con- 
flict and  sorrow  will  have  reached  its  highest 
point,  at  the  end  of  days.  The  real  cause  of  sor- 
row on  the  part  of  the  true  members  of  God's 
Church  will  not  be,  as  was  the  case  with  Morde- 
cai,  their  own  distress,  but  that  of  the  world 
It  will  consist  in  the  fact  that  the  world  is  still 
devoid  of  the  blessed  society  of  the  true  God; 
that  the  kingdom  of  God  is  still  rejected  and 
even  persecuted.  What  joy  it  would  give,  if, 
instead  of  enmity,  recognition  and  submission, 
and,  instead  of  disdain,  a  participation  in  the 
gifts  and  grace  of  our  Lord  were  to  become  the 
universal  experience! 

2.  The  more  difficult  the  position  of  the 
Church  as  in  contrast  with  the  world,  the  more 
favorable  is  her  position  for  bringing  to  view 
her  glory.  Her  glory  is  that  of  her  Head.  If 
even  in  the  Old  Testament  times,  and  in  the 
"  dispersion  "  itself,  there  existed  a  Mordecai, 
who  for  love  of  the  people  manifested  his  firm- 
ness and  strength  in  the  hour  of  tribulation  ; 
and  if  there  was  found  an  Esther,  who,  when 
called  upon,  willingly  came  forward  to  bring 
about  the  salvation  of  her  countrymen;  how 
much  more  in  New  Testament  times  and  in  the 
modern  Church  will  there  arise  individuals,  who, 
in  following  the  Lord,  especially  in  evil  days, 
will  manifest  a  watch-care  for  others  and  a  self- 
sacrificing  spirit  for  them;  who  will  show  forth 
patience  and  meekness,  as  well  as  energy,  fide- 
lity and  tenacity,  a  spirit  of  giving  and  an  abi- 
lity to  make  sacrifices;  and  withal  will  carry  in 
their  hearts  joy  and  peace  as  the  seal  of  their 
kinship  with  God.  All  these  graces  may  be  bo 
many  illuminating  rays  of  the  glorious  life  of 
their  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  who  more 
and  more  attains  in  them  a  full  stature.  May 
all  seize  the  special  opportunity,  recognize  the 
particular  duty,  and  know  when  to  perform  it, 
which  the  times  of  distress  of  the  Church  plac-' 
in  their  hand,  of  showing  forth  the  power  that 
dwells  in  them  by  their  life  and  work  [ 

3.  Mordecai  took  an  especially  great  part  in 
the  universal  grief  that  overcame  the  Jews  when 
the  edict  of  their  annihilation  was  issued  and 
promulgated.  It  was  not  his  personal  danger 
that  alarmed  him.  but,  as  may  be  expected  of 
such  a  faithful  follower  of  Judaism,  it  was  the 
calamity  threatening  the  whole  Jewish  people 
While,  however,  thought  and  feeling  were  cen- 
tred upon  the  event,  he  was  free  from  despair. 
With  him  it  was  a  settled  conviction  that  the 
people  of  God,  as  a  whole,  could  not  be  destroyed. 
and  that  deliverance  must  come  from  some 
source  Instead  of  giving  way  to  despondency, 
he  turned  his  distress  into   a   power  that  urged 


him  to  still  greater  endeavors.  There  was  no 
more  a  fear  of  appearing  as  a  Jew,  nor  did  he 
hesitate  because  his  loud  lamentation  would 
attract  general  attention,  and  thereby  expose 
him  to  the  derision  and  disdain  of  many.  How- 
ever reluctant  he  might  have  been  to  expose  his 
beloved  Esther,  whose  welfare  had  ever  been  a 
matter  of  great  concern  to  him,  to  extreme  dan- 
ger, still  he  persisted  with  the  greatest  determina- 
tion that  she  should  run  the  whole  risk,  and 
only  rested  when  she  gave  her  assent.  It  is 
barely  possible  that  he  attributed  some  blame  to 
himself  because  of  his  firmness  against  Haman, 
or  thought  that  on  that  account  he  more  than 
any  other  was  under  obligation  to  remove  the 
threatened  danger.  The  sole  moving  impulse 
was  doubtless  his  love  for  his  people.  But  this 
should  not  be  less  in  any  true  member  of  the 
Church.  It  should  rather,  in  proportion  as 
there  are  more  members  in  the  body  of  Christ, 
be  the  stronger  than  it  was  in  him.  Would  that 
no  one  among  us  were  behind  him  as  regards 
energy,  self-denial  and  a  willingness  to  make 
sacrifices  !  There  are  doubtless  many  who  are 
able  to  endure  all  this  in  their  own  person. 
But — if  no  lighter  consideration — the  thought 
that  their  relatives,  yea,  even  wife  and  children, 
may  suffer  on  account  of  their  confession,  bows 
them  down.  Would,  if  necessary,  that  we  too 
may  stand  equal  to  Mordecai  in  willingness  to 
surrender  our  dearest  kin! 

Ver.  6  sqq.  Mordecai  manifests  a  remarkable 
tenacity  as  opposed  to  Esther.  He  keeps  his 
position  at  the  gate  of  the  king  until  she  sends 
him  not  only  her  maids  with  garments,  but  also 
Ilatach  to  transmit  his  message.  He  departs 
not  thence  until  she  has  resolved  to  stand  before 
Ahasuerus  as  a  Jew  pleading  for  the  Jews. 
Under  other  circumstances  he  might  have  been 
thought  to  be  tiresome  by  his  persistency  and 
demands;  but  his  relation  to  her  now  justified 
it.  When  he  had  been  accustomed  to  inquire 
concerning  her  health  and  well-being,  to  give 
her  counsel,  to  care  for  her,  he  had  shown  no 
less  persistency;  and  his  demand  that  now  she 
should  reveal  her  Jewish  descent,  and  as  such 
should  venture  all,  was  equally  in  keeping  with 
Ms  character.  So  long  us  no  danger  threatened 
he  counseled  her  to  keep  silence  respecting  her 
Jewish  parentage ;  hut  now  he  had  himself 
taken  the  lead  in  an  open  confession  of  the  fact. 
Although  it.  had  before  been  difficult  for  him  to 
approach  Esther  as  the  queen,  or  request  any 
favor  at  her  hand,  now  he  hesitated  no  longer 
to  implore  her  help,  not  so  much  for  himself,  as 
for  the  whole  people.  There  was  no  motive  for 
him  to  be  selfish,  or  to  conduct  himself  in  a 
heartless  or  severe  manner  towards  her.  Hence 
there  was  no  question  but  that  his  undertaking 
would  succeed,  that  Esther  would  be  willing  to 
comply  with  his  request.  It  is  eminently  desi- 
rable that  those  who,  like  him,  must  move  and 
induce  others  to  make  sacrifices  of  self  and  pos- 
sessions in  the  service  of  the  kingdom  of  God, 
should  stand  on  a  level  with  him  in  this 
respect. 

Brenz:  "At  first  the  lazy  (t.  e.  Jews)  do  not 
snore.  For  the  Holy  Spirit  exhorts  us  in  all 
adversities  to  confide  in  the  Lord;  He  does  not 
exhort  us  to  be  indolent,  indifferent  and  sleepy. 


64 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


Fir  our  confidence  in  the  Lord  is  a  powerful 
and  efficacious  means  of  stimulating  in  His  ser- 
vice all  strength  and  limbs Further,  the 

Jews,  though  in  the  greatest  peril,  do  not  utter 
virulent  words  against  the  king,  nor  do  they  fly 
to  arms.  .  .  .  Mordecai  and  the  other  Jews  rend 
their  garments,  put  on  sack-cloth,  strew  ashes 
upon  their  heads,  wail,  weep  and  fast.  These 
manifestations  signify  not  that  the  Jews  in  Per- 
sia were  turbulent,  but  that  they  take  refuge  in 
God  ;  since  help  could  not  be  discovered  upon 
earth,  they  seek  it  from  heaven.  .  .  .  '  The  sac- 
rifices of  God  are  a  broken  spirit;  a  broken  and 
a  contrite  heart,  0  God,  thou  wilt  not  despise.' 
....  By  this  example  we  too  are  taught  that 
when  afflictions  are  sent  upon  us,  we  should 
reflect  that  God  then  sets  before  us  the  fat  oxen 
and  calves  which  we  may  offer  to  Him.  In  this 
way  we  offer  to  God  in  our  prayers  the  afflic- 
tions which  we  sustain,  and  call  upon  the  name 
of  the  Lord  that  He  may  help  us.  .  .  .  Behold, 
however,  the  reverse  of  this  order  of  things. 
The  palaces  of  princes  are  divinely  instituted  to 
be  the  places  of  refuge  for  the  miserable.  On 
the  contrary  in  the  palaces  of  Persia  nothing  is 
regarded  as  more  odious  and  abominable  than 
men  with  the  signs  of  affliction.  .  .  .  Heaven  is 
ever  open  to  the  cries  of  mourners,  and  God  is 
never  unapproachable  to  those  calling  on  His 
name  by  faith." 

Starke:  "Temporal  fortunes  and  successes 
are  never  so  great  as  not  to  be  subject  to  sor- 
row, terror  and  fear  (Sir.  xl.  3).  God  permits 
His  Church  to  be  plunged  into  sorrow  at  times; 
He  leads  her  even  into  hell;  but  He  also  takes 
her  out  again  (1  Sam.  ii.  16).  Though  the  Lord 
elevate  us  to  high  honors,  we  should  never  be 
ashamed  of  our  poor  relatives  (Gen.  xlvii.  2), 
but  rather  relieve  their  needs  (1  Sara.  xxii.  3). 
We  should  never  reject  proper  and  suitable 
means  to  escape  a  danger,  but  promptly  use 
them  (2  Cor.  xi.  32,  33)." 

Ver.  13  sqq.  Mordecai  manifests  a  precious 
senae  of  trust,  saying:  "For  if  thou  altogether 
boldest  thy  peace  at  this  time,  then  shall  there 
enlargement  and  deliverance  arise  to  the  Jews 
from  another  place."  But  he  who  would  save 
his  soul  will  lose  it.  The  risk  which  Mordecai 
called  upon  Esther  to  assume,  that  she  should 
come  to  the  king  uninvited,  and  manifest  herself 
as  a  daughter  of  the  people  thus  devoted  to  de- 
struction, was  indeed  great  and  important. 
Moreover,  the  hope  that  Xerxes  would  recall 
his  edict,  thus,  according  to  Persian  ideas, 
endangering  (be  respect  due  his  royal  majesty, 
and  likewise  abandoning  his  favorite  minister, 
was  very  uncertain  of  fulfilment.  But  Esther 
had  been  elevated  to  a  high  position.  Mordecai, 
who  in  a  doubting  manner  sends  her  word : 
"Whoknoweth  whether  thou  art  come  to  the 
kingdom  for  such  a  time  as  this !"  doubtless  did 
it  from  a  conviction  that  she  must  now  prove 
herself  worthy  of  such  distinction,  if  she  would 
retain  it.  He  also  conveys  the  idea  that  the 
higher  her  position  the  greater  her  responsibi- 
lity, and  consequently,  in  case  of  failure  because 
of  carelessness  or  fearfulness,  the  more  intense 
her  guilt.  In  these  convictions  of  Mordecai  are 
contained  the  most  earnest  exhortations  even 
for  us.     This  is  especially  true  since  we  are  all 


called  to  be  joint  heirs  of  Jesus  Christ  to  the 
throne  of  the  heavenly  kingdom.  In  the  deport- 
ment of  Esther  a  no  less  reminder  to  duty  is 
contained.  It  appears  quite  natural  that  Esther 
should  order  a  fast  not  only  to  be  observed  by 
Mordecai  and  the  rest  of  the  Jews,  but  she  also 
imposed  on  herself  this  fast  of  three  days'  dura- 
tion. Had  she  had  a  little  more  of  the  common 
discretion  of  her  sex,  she  would  have  feared  the 
effects  of  the  fast  upon  her  appearance.  Hence 
she  would  have  adopted  quite  a  different  plan 
or  preparation  previous  to  her  entrance  into  the 
king's  presence.  Here  also  she  reveals  the 
same  attractive  feature  of  mind  and  manner  as 
when  she  was  first  presented  to  the  king.  In- 
stead of  placing  reliance  upon  what  she  should 
externally  put  on  or  adorn  herself  with,  we  find 
her  trust  placed  upon  something  higher.  She 
well  knows  that  she  will  only  succeed  if  the 
great  and  exalted  Lord  be  for  her,  who,  not- 
withstanding His  glorious  majesty,  yet  dwells 
among  the  most  lowly  of  men.  It  is  in  just  such 
times  as  these,  when  we  are  raised  to  the  great- 
est endeavors  and  self-sacrifices,  that  we  must 
not  expect  to  accomplish  these  things  by  our 
own  power,  but  only  through  Him  who  in  our 
weakness  is  our  strength.  Otherwise,  despite 
our  best  intentions  and  most  successful  begin- 
nings, we  shall  soon  grow  discouraged  and  fail. 
Our  own  weakness  is  but  too  often  made  mani- 
fest to  our  eyes.  It  is  onlv  when  we  consider 
and  remember  that  the  hand  of  the  Lord  is  in  it 
all  that  we  will  be  saved  from  a  lack  of  courage. 

Bhesz:  "As  it  is  the  most  pleasing  worship 
to  God  to  support  the  Church  with  all  our 
strength,  so  He  execrates  no  one  more  than  him 
who  withholds  from  the  Church  when  in  danger 

that  help  which  he  is  able  to  render If 

the  cry  of  a  single  poor  man  is  so  availing  that 
although  unheard  by  man,  it  finds  an  aven- 
ging car  in  God,  what  must  be  the  influence  of 
the  cry  of  the  whole  Church  in  her  affliction  im- 
ploring assistance  from  Him  who  it  hopes  is  able 
to  help?  .  .  .  This  teaches  us  that  God  confers 
power  upon  princes,  riches  upon  the  rich,  wis- 
dom upon  the  wise,  and  other  gifts  upon  others, 
not  that  they  may  abuse  them  for  their  own 
pleasure,  but  that  they  may  assist  the  Church 
of  God.  and  protect  it  in  whatever  way  they 
can.  For  the  Church  on  earth  is  so  great  in  the 
eyes  of  God,  that  He  requires  of  all  men  what- 
ever may  serve  her.  'The  people,'  He  says, 
'and  the  king  that  will  not  serve  thee  shall 
perish,  and  the  nations  shall  dwell  in  a  solitary 
place.'" 

Stakke:  "Our  flesh  is  always  timid  when  it 
has  to  encounter  a  hazard  (Exod.  iv.  13).  My 
Christ  in  His  divine  majesty  stands  at  the  en- 
trance into  the  faith,  and  sounds  the  free  invita- 
tion to  each  and  all,  '  ever  frequent,  ever  dear, 
ever  happy'  (Sirach  xxv.  20,  21).  One  should 
succor  his  neighbor  in  peril  and  need  (Prov. 
xxiv.  11;  Ps.  lxxxti.  3),  and  especially  the 
brethren  in  the  faith  (Gal.  vi.  10),  even  at  the 
peril  of  one's  own  life  (1  John  iii.  16).  We  are 
born  for  good  not  to  ourselves,  but  to  others, 
and  thus  God  oftentimes  shows  us  that  through 
us  He  aids  our  own,  our  country  and  the  com- 
munity (Gen.  xlv.  5).     Faith  is  the  victory  that 


CHAP.   V.   1-14.  65 


overcomes  the  world  (1  John  v.  8).  We  may 
use  ordinary  prayer  for  important  blessings 
(James   v.    14;  Gen.  xxiv.   7;  xliii.   14).     Life 


can  never  be  spent  better  than  when  it  is  the 
aim  to  lose  it  (Matt.  xvi.  25;  Acts  xx.  24; 
xxi.  13)." 


B.-ESTHER  IS  GRACIOUSLY  RECEIVED  BY  THE  KING;  BUT  HAMAN,  HIGHLY  DIS- 
TINGUISHED BY  THE  QUEEN,  RESOLVES,  BECAUSE  OF  THE  REFOSAL  OF  MOR- 
DECAI  TO  BOW  THE  KNEE  BEFORE  HIM,  TO  HAVE  HIM  HUNG. 

Chapter  V.  1-14. 

I.  Esther  finds  favor  with  the  King,  and  invites  both  him  and  B 'a man  two  separate  times  to  a  banquet 

prepared  by  herself.     Vers.  1-8. 

1  Now  [Arid]  it  came  to  pass  [was]  on  the  third  day  that  [and]  Esther  put  on 
her  royal  apparel,  and  stood  in  the  inner  court  of  the  king's  house,  over  against  the 
king's  house :  and  the  king  sat  [wow  sitting]  upon  his  royal   throne  in  the  royal 

2  house,  over  against  the  gate  [opening]  of  the  house.  And  it  was  so,  when  [as]  the 
king  saw  Esther  the  queen  standing  in  the  court,  that  she  obtained  [received]  favor 
in  his  sight  [eyes]  :  and  the  king  held  out  to  Esther  the  golden  sceptre  that  was  in 

3  his  hand.  So  [And]  Esther  drew  near,  and  touched  the  top  of  the  sceptre.  Then 
[And]  said  the  king  unto  her,  What  wilt  thou  [is  to  thee],  queen  Esther?  and 
what  is  thy  request  ?  [ask,  and]  it  shall  he  even  given  thee  to  the  half  of  the  king- 

4  dom.  And  Esther  answered  [said],  If  it  seem  good  unto  [upon]  the  king,  let  the 
king  and  Hainan  come  this   [to-]   day  unto  the  banquet  that  I  have  prepared 

5  [made]  for  him.  Then  [And]  the  king  said,  Cause  Hainan  to  make  haste,  that 
he  may  do  [to  do]  as  Esther  hath  said  [the  word  of  Esther].     So   [And]  the  king 

6  and  Haman  came  to  the  banquet  that  Esther  had  prepared  [made].  And  the 
king  said  unto  Esther  at  the  banquet  of  wine,  What  is  thy  petition  ?  and  it  shall 
be  granted  thee :  and  what  is  thy  request  ?  even  [ask,  and]  to  the  half  of  the  king- 

7  dom  it  shall  be  performed  [done].     Then  [And]  answered  Esther,  and  said,  My 

8  petition  and  my  request  is;  If  I  have  found  favor  in  the  sight  [eyes]  of  the  king, 
and  if  it  please  [seem  good  upon]  the  king  to  grant  [give]  my  petition,  and  to  per- 
form [do]  my  request,  let  the  king  and  Haman  come  to  the  banquet  that  I  shall 
prepare  [will  make]  for  them,  and  I  will  do  to-morrow  as  the  king  hath  said  [ac- 
cording to  the  mind  of  the  king]. 

II.   Haman,  encouraged  by  the  remarkable  distinction  extended  to  him,  at  once  resolves  upon  the  immediate 

destruction  of  Mordecai,     Vers.  9-14. 

9  Then  [And]  went  Haman  forth  [on]  that  day  joyful  and  with  a  glad  [good] 
heart:  but  [and]  when  [as]  Haman  saw  Mordecai  in  the  king's  gate  that  [and]  he 
stood  [rose]  not  up,  nor  moved  [or  trembled]  for  [on  account  of]  him,  [and,  i.  e. 

10  then]  he  [Haman]  was  full  of  indignation  against  Mordecai.  Nevertheless  [And], 
Haman  refrained  [restrained]  himself:  and  ivhcn  he  came  home  [to  his  house], 
[and]  he  sent  and  called  for  [brought]  his  friends  [lovers],  and  Zeresh   his  wife. 

11  And  Haman  told  [recounted  to]  them  of  the  glory  of  his  riches,  and  the  multitude 
of  his  children,  and  all  the  things  wherein  the  king  had  promoted  him   [made  him 

12  great],  and  how  [that]  he  had  advanced  [raised]  him  above  the  princes  and  [the] 
servants  of  the  king.  [And]  Haman  said  moreover,  Yea,  Esther  the  queen  did  let 
no  man  come  in  with  the  king  unto  the  banquet  that  she  had  prepared  [made]  but 

13  myself;  and  to-morrow  ew>i  I1  invited  [called]  unto  her  also2  with  the  king.  Yet 
all  this  availeth  me  nothing,  so  long  as  [in  all  the  time  that]   I  see   [am  seeing] 

14  Mordecai  the  Jew  sitting  at  [in]  the  king's  gate.  Then  [And]  said  Zeresh  his  wife 
and  all  his  fi  ieuds  [lovers]  unto  him,  Let  a  gallows  be  made  [Let  them  make  a 


66 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


tree]  of  fifty  cubits  high  [in  heisht],  and  to-morrow  [in  the  morning]  speak  [say] 
thou  unto  the  king  that  [and]  Mordecai  may  be  hanged  [they  will  hang  Mordecai] 
thereon:  then  [and]  go  thou  in  merrily  [joyful]  with  the  king  unto  the  banquet. 
And  the  thing  [wordj  pleased  [was  good  before]  Hamau ;  and  he  caused  the  gal- 
lows to  be  made  [made  the  tree]. 


TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

'  [Ver.  12.  The  pronoun,  being  expressed,  is  emphatic— Tr.] 

2  [Ver.  12.  The  position  of  DJ  before  "1T1D7  gives  the  latter  emphasis;  this  was  a  fresh  token  of  favor. 
-Te.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-8.  Mordecai's  opposition  against  Ha- 
inan receives  fresh  support  by  the  movements  of 
Esther.  But  they  have  as  a  first  result  that  Ha- 
inan on  his  part  also  determines  the  utmost  ex- 
treme against  Mordecai.  Hence  the  conflict 
against  Mordecai  is  here  also  the  chief  feature, 
as  was  that  of  Mordecai  against  Haman  in 
the  previous  chapter.  Esther  risks  an  unan- 
nounced entrance  to  the  king— so  it  seems— only 
that  she  might  together  with  him  invite  Haman 
to  the  banquet  in  order  to  distinguish  the  latter 
before  all  other  officers.  Thereby  the  arrogance 
of  Haman  is  extraordinarily  strengthened. 

Ver.  1.  On  the  third  day!  viz.,  after  her  in- 
terview with  Mordecai  (comp.  chap.  iv.  14  sqq  ), 
Esther  put  on  (her)  royal  (apparel).— If  we 
will  not  with  Bertheau  on  chap.  vi.  8  and  viii.  15 

sanction  the  rejection  of  W27  before  ru370, 
then  we  must  accept  the  fact  that  msSr?  in  itself 
signifies  royal  dignity  (comp.  chap.  i.  19),  but 
also  means  royal  apparel;  or  that  it  was  usual  in 

poetic  language  to  say  TCT1  tin  li'37  (comp.  civ. 
1 ;  Job  xl.  10),  as  also  WaSo  EftS.  An  accusa- 
tive of  limitation,  "according  to  the  king's  man- 
ner," is  highly  improbable  here.     Esther  posted 

herself — so  here  lOJOi  according  to  1  Kings  xx. 
38;  1  Sam.  xvii.  51  ;  not:  stood,  remained  stand- 
ing,— in  the  inner  court  in  such  a  position  that 
the  king,  who  sat  upon  his  throne  in  the  king's 

house,  could  see  her.  He  sat  n'3H  nP3  r03, 
not:  before,  but  opposite,  over  against  the  door  of 

the  house.  Since  i"OJ  may  easily  be  rendered 
"before"  in  the  sense  of  "opposite,"  it  is  well 
so  to  translate  it.  Perhaps  the  king  had  selected 
this  position  in  order  the  more  easily  to  see  what 
transpired  in  the  court  of  the  house.  Perhaps 
also  the  throne  was  situated  not  far  from  the 
farthest  wall,  and  nearer  to  the  door.* 

Ver.  2.  As  his  eyes  fell  on  Esther  she  found 
grace  in  his  sight,  see  clian.  ii.  9.  As  he  ex- 
tended the  golden  sceptre  to  her  she  touched  its 
point,  possibly,  as  is  indicated  by  the  Vulg.,  kiss- 
ing it. 

Ver.  3.  ["What  wilt  thou  ?  "Bather, 'What 
ails  thee?'" — Rawlin«on.]     He   promised  her: 


*  ["This  is  the  usual  situation  of  the  throne  in  the 
*  throne-room  '  of  an  Oriental  palace.  The  monarch, 
from  his  raised  position,  can  see  into  the  court  through 
the  doorway  opposite  him,  which  is  kept  open." — Raw- 
mmso.n.— Tr.1 


it  shall  be  given  thee  to  the  half  of  the 
kingdom,  viz.,  she  might  make  bold  request, 
and  it  should  be  granted  her  what  she  desired; 
similarly  as  in  the  case  of  Herod  in  Mark  vi.  23.* 
Feuardent:  "Observe,  I  pray  you,  the  promise, 
so  thoughtless,  rash,  and  imprudent  (a  common 
fault  among  kings),  which,  without  consideration, 
is  here  repeated  for  the  third  time  (comp.  chap, 
vi.  and  vii.  2).  So  excessive  and  prodigal  are 
princes  as  regards  women,  good-for-nothing, 
gluttons,  sycophants,  traitors,  and  such  like." 
But  here  it  is  in  point  to  notice  the  greatness  of 
that  object  which  is  capable  of  calling  forth  true 
love,  and  for  it  nothing  is  too  great. 

Ver.  4.  The  first  and  simplest  thing  that  Esther 
dared  to  request  was  to  invite  Haman  and  the 

king  to  dine  with  her.  v£  3113  DN,  as  in  chap, 
i.  19.  She  would  doubtless  first  convince  her- 
self whether  the  impression  which  she  made  on 
the  king  was  deep  enough  to  encourage  her  to 
express  such  a  great  request  as  she  intended  to 
present.f  She  desired  Haman  to  be  present, 
in  order,  as  Calo7  remarks,  that  "she  might 
charge  him  by  name  in  the  presence  of  the  king 
with  the  decree  surreptitiously  obtained  against 
her  people,  and  to  his  very  face  cut  off  every 
possibility  of  cavil;"  perhaps  also  in  order  to 
make  his  confusion  the  more  complete. 

Ver.  5.  The  king  ordered  Haman  to  be  quickly 
called,  and  with  him  accepted  the  invitation  of 
Esther.  '^n!3>  hastened,  i.  e.,  to  cause  to  make 
haste,  comp.  1  Kings  xxii.  9;  2  Chron.  xviii.  8. 
fWj'H,  as  an  infin.,  may  have  Haman  as  its  sub- 
ject:  "that  he  may  do  as  Esther  hath  said." 
This  also  would  explain  the  phrase,  in  order  that 
one  do,  i.  e.,  the  words  of  Esther. 

Ver.  6.  At  the  banquet  of  wine  (comp. 
chap.  vii.  2), — thus  is  indicated  the  more  ad- 
vanced stage  of  the  banquet,  where  drinking  was 
the  chief  thing,  and  where,  in  consequence,  the 
most  cheerful  feeling  prevailed  (Bertheau),  the 
king  repeated  his  question  and  reasserted  his 
promise. J     bjJJI  (chap.  vii.  2;  ix.  12),  "and  it 

*  ["According  to  Herodotus  (IX.  109),  Xerxes,  on  ano- 
ther occasion,  when  pleased  with  one  of  his  wives, 
offered  to  grant  her  any  request  whatever,  without  limi- 
tation."— Rawlinson. — Tr.] 

f  ["  Esther  seems  to  have  been  afraid  to  make  her 
real  request  of  Xerxes  too  abruptly,  and  to  have  wished 
to  impress  him  favorably  before  doing  so.  She  con- 
cluded that  the  king  would  understand  that  she  had  a 
real  petition  in  the  background,  and  would  recur  to  it, 
as  in  fact  he  did  (ver.  6,  and  chap  vii.  2)."— Rawlixhut. 
— Th.) 

X  [•'  After  the  meats  were  removed,  it  was  customary 
in  Persia  to  continue  the  banquet  tor  a  considerable 
time  with  fruits  and  wine  (Herod.  I.,  133).    During  this 


CHAP.  V.  1-14. 


6? 


shall  be  grunted  thee,"  is  the  shortened  form  of 
the  impcrf.,  the  so-called  jussive  future,  instead 

of  ntojmi- 

Vers.  7,  8.  Still  Esther  hesitates  with  her  prin- 
cipal request.  It  is  true  she  begins:  My  peti- 
tion and  my  request  ( is) ;  as  if  she  would  now 
express  herself,  bat  she  breaks  off  us  if  courage 
failed  her,  or  as  if  she  reflected  upon  it ;  and  she 
leaves  it  there,  simply  again  inviting  the  king 
and  Hainan  to  another  banquet,  at  which  she 
obligates  herself  to  make  her  petition  known. 
She  doubtless  was  not  yet  sure  of  the  success  of 
her  undertaking.* 

Vers.  9-14.  Hanuti,  completely  puffed  up  be- 
cause of  the  distinction  shown  him  on  the  part 
of  the  queen,  felt  all  the  more  bitterly  the  appa- 
rent stubbornness  of  Mordecai,  which  still  con- 
tinued, and  resolved,  aided  by  the  counsel  of  his 
friends  and  wife,  on  the  following  day  to  request 
his  execution  from  the  king. 

Ver.  9.  On  the  same  day  he  again  met  Morde- 
cai in  the  gate  of  the  king.  It  must  needs  be 
that  on  this  very  day  Mordecai  must  provoke  his 
anger  to  the  highest  degree,  and  thereby  uncon- 
sciously assist  in  precipitating  the  inimical  orders 
of  Hainan.  The  whole  plan  of  the  book  is  thus 
brought  out  in  its  correspondence  to  the  concep- 
tion and  development  of  the  present  treatment. 
Mordecai  could  now  again  stand  in  the  gate  of 
the  king.  The  garments  of  mourning  which  had 
prevented  him  from  this,  were  doubtless  laid 
aside  when  he  assuredly  knew  that  Esther  would 
take  the  step  promised  to  him,  i.  e.,  go  to  the 
king.  Fasting  no  doubt  also  ceased  at  the  same 
time.  In  consequence  he  was  doubtless  more 
than  ever  drawn  to  that  position  where  he  might 
first  hope  to  hear  of  the  success  of  Esther.  To 
the  expression:  But  'when  Haman  saw 
Mordecai  in  the  king's  gate,  there  is  added 
the  statement,  that  he  stood  not  up,  nor 
moved  for  him. — Such  sentences  of  condition 
may  be  inserted  without  a  copula  (comp.  Ewald, 

I  346).  The  1  before  B£~x\  therefore,  instead 
of  being  a  copula,  is  a  correlative  to  the  fol- 
lowing ]  before  >"~N7 :  so  that  we  have  an  ap- 
position, "neither" — "nor."  Still  it  is  more 
common  and  natural  to  accept  a  connection  by 
means  of  1,  "  and  "  (comp.  Gen.  xviii.  11 ;  xxiv. 
21;  Joshua  vi.  1).  Dp  and  yt  are  not  partici- 
ples— for  then  their  subject  would  be  made  pro- 
minent— but  they  are  third  pers.  prtet.  But  i'l 
with  10  does  not  mean :  neither  did  he  even  move 
from  before  him  (Vulg.  and  most  interpreters), 
but  according  to  Dan.  v.  19;  vi.  27  :  he  trembled 
not,  was  not  terrified  before  him,  as  he  should 
have  done  had  he  violated  the  law  of  the  king 
(ohap.  iii.  2). 

Ver.  10.  Haman  controlled  himself,  but  only  to 
consult  soon  after  with  his  friends  and  wife,  i.  e., 
those  who  he  knew  would  sympathize  with  him, 

part  of  the  feast  the  king  renewed  his  offer." — Rawlin- 
son.— Te.1 

*  ["Esther  still  cannot  bring  herself  to  make  the  re- 
quest on  which  so  much  depends,  and  craves  another 
clay's  respite.  She  will  soften  the  kine's  heart  by  a  se- 
cond banquet,  and  then  she  will  submit  her  petition  to 
him.  There  is  something  extremely  natural  in  this 
hesitation." — R&wuxsox. — Taj 


and  who  would  restrain  him  from  too  great  rash- 
ness in  determining  upon  radical  measures 
against  Mordecai.* 

Ver.  11.  The  author,  with  great  art  of  state- 
ment, gives  Hainan  an  opportuniiy  to  recount  all 
that  would  make  him  great  and  happy,  but  yet 
so  as  to  make  him  admit  that  there  is  one  thing 
missing  for  the  completion  of  his  happiness,  and 
this  is  indispensable,  namely,  the  destruction  of 
Mordecai.  The  higher  the  fortune  and  honor 
in  which  he  rejoiced,  the  greater  would  be  the 
fall,  so  soon  to  be  realized  ;  and  the  more  im- 
pressive must  be  his  history  upon  those  who  read 
it.  Next  to  the  glories  of  his  riches  he  makes 
mention  of  the  multitude  of  his  children 
(sons).  According  to  chap.  ix.  7-10  there  were 
ten  of  them.  Bertheau  thinks  these  do  not  be- 
long here,  and  he  would  change  the  reading. 
But  Haman  was  obliged  to  mention  them  in  ho- 
nor of  his  wife.  What  indeed  would  his  riches 
have  been  to  him  had  he  possessed  it  for  himself 
only,  or  if  he  had  not  hoped  to  cause  his  sons  to 
inherit  after  him,  in  whom,  so  to  speak,  he  con- 
tinued to  live  on  ?  Not  only  among  Persians, 
but  also  among  Israelites,  the  happiness  of  pa- 
rents depended  largely  upon  the  multitude  of 
children;  especially  of  sons.  Likewise  also 
the  esteem  in  which  they  were  held,  particularly 
with  the  king,  who  sent  presents  annually  to  pa- 
rents having  the  greatest  number  of  children 
(comp.  Herod.  I.  136).  Then  also  he  recounted 
all  wherein  the  king  had  promoted  him, 
etc.  "I#X  is  here  the  second  accus.,  depending 
on  7"1J,  and  one  of  definition  or  of  instrument. 

Ver.  12.  As  the  highest  point  of  his  distinc- 
tion, and  the  very  latest,  he  meniions  the  circum- 
stance that,  above  all  others,  he  alone  was  in- 
vited to  the  banquet  of  the  queen  to  be  given  the 
day  following.  This  is  the  most  direct  proof 
that  the  author  regarded  these  invitations  as  the 
very  hijhesl  point  of  distinction.  And  he  lays 
great  stress  thereon  in  order  the  more  power- 
fully to  show  the  overwhelming  disaster  that 
befel  Haman,  and  also  to  prepare  the  reader  for 
the  climax  of  the  story.  ^N,  also,  moreover,  in- 
dicates in  advance  that  what  follows  is  a  new 
ascending  period.  PlS-Nnp  'JX  means  she  has 
invited  me  (see  Ewald,  §  295  c). 

Ver.  13.  Yet  all  this— thus  he  himself  must 
make  prominent  his  folly  and  insatiableness,  and 
at  the  same  time  pronouuce  his  own  sentence — 
availeth  me  nothing,  is  not  satisfactory  to 
me,  so  long  as  I  see  Mordecai  the  Jew  sit- 
ting at  the  king's  gate. — Tii'S  ny-733  may 
mean:  at  all  times,  every  time,  when  I;  so  that 
the  sense  is  that  the  feeling  of  dissatisfaction 
comes  to  the  surface  each  time  But  it  may  also 
mean  :  during  the  whole  time  when  I,  i.  e.,  so  long 
as  I  (comp  Job  xxvii.  3,  according  to  Schlott- 
mann  and  the  older  interpreters).  The  fact  that 
such  a  Jew  may  defy  him  unpunished  seems  to 
be  a  counter-proof  against  his  dignity  and  power. 

Ver.  14.  Then  said  Zeresh  his  wife  and 
all  his  friends. — Zeresh  being  first,  and  also 

*  f"  The  name  Zgrah  is  probably  connected  with  the 

zered  zam. 'gold.'    Compare  the  Greek  Chrysis."  Raw 

LISBON— Tb. J 

15 


68 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


ihe  singular  form  of  the  verb,  indicates  that  she 
led  the  counsel.  Even  kings  as  well  as  their 
chief  officers  doubtless  often  allowed  themselves 
to  be  directed  by  their  wives.  Let  a  gallows 
be  made,  i.  c,  erected,  of  fifty  cubits  high.— 
The  third  person  plural  here,  as  also  iu  what 
follows,  again  points  to  an  indefinite  "  one," 
"  let  one,"  "let  them."  The  height  of  the  gal- 
lows should  intensify  the  disgrace  -of  hanging, 
hut  should  also  serve  to  make  manifest  the  dread- 
ful punishment,  and  to  terrify  aa  many  as 
possible  from  being  discourteous  to  Hainan. 
Feuardent  well  says:  -'But  why  make  it  so 
tiigh  (i.  e.  the  tree,  gallows)?  In  order  that  his 
disgrace  might  be  plainly  observable  to  the  eyes 
of  all,  and  the  more  striking.  Wherefore  should 
he  be  in  such  haste  about  it  ?  Lest  there  should 
be  danger  in  delay  or  procrastination.  For  what 
reason  have  it  erected  before  his  own  house  ?  So 
that  he  and  all  his  family  going  in  and  out,  see- 
ing Mordecai  hanging,  might  mock  and  feast 
their  cruel  eyes  and  minds  wiih  so  miserable  and 
foul  a  spectacle."  Speak  thou  unto  the  king 
that   Mordecai    be   hanged  thereon,    i.  e., 

speak,  that  they  hang.  nSn  as  in  chap.  ii.  23. 
These  advisers  take  it  for  granted  that  the  king 
will  give  his  consent.*  Hence  the  gallows  should 
be  already  prepared  in  order  that  the  execution 
may  come  off  that  very  morning.  Then,  of 
course,  his  joy  can  be  unclouded  for  his  noon 
meal.f 

DOCTRINAL  AND   ETHICAL. 

Vers.  1-8.  1.  The  destiny  of  God's  people  de- 
pended not  only  on  the  humors  of  this  Persian 
king  in  general,  but  also  upon  the  impression 
which  a  woman  might  make  upon  that  monarch. 
This  must  appear  as  very  peculiar  and  highly 
significant.  Women  have  often  exerted  a  deci- 
sive influence  upon  the  destinies  of  nations.  But. 
here  it  seems  as  if  this  was  not  quite  consonant 
with  the  dignity  of  the  people  of  God,  as  they 
were  still  worthy  of  being  called.  It  seems  as 
if  such  a  state  of  things  could  only  be  true  of  a 
degenerate  cause.  At  present  we  have  the  view 
of  Esther  standing  before  the  king,  not  as  a  wife 
b»fore  her  husband,  but  as  a  petitioner  before 
a  sovereign,  imploring  protection,  and  anxiously 
waiting  whether  he  would  graciously  reach  out. 
his  sceptre  to  her.  This  truly  represents  the 
condition  of  dependence  and  lowliness  of  the 
Church  of  the  Diaspora.  In  contrast  with  it 
Ahasuerus  represents  the  dignity  of  the  worldly 
power  bearing  rule  over  the  people  of  God.  For 
all  this,  however,  every  one  feels  that  true  dig- 
nity does  not  dwell   with  the  former;   he  would 

*  ["A  gallows,  in  the  ordinary  sense,  is  scarcely  in- 
tended, since  hanging  was  not  a  Persian  punishment. 
The  intention,  nodoubt.was  to  crucify  or  impale  Morde- 
cai; and  the  pale  or  cross  was  to  be  seventy-five  feet 
high,  in  make  the  punishment  more  conspicuous.  On 
the  use  of  impalement  among  the  Persians,  see  the  note 
on  chap.  ii.  23."    Rawlinson. — Te.] 

+  ["  As  Ahasuerus  had  already  consented  to  a  general 
massacre  of  the  .lows  within  a  few  months,  it  Beemed 
probable  that  li"  would  readily  allow  the  immediate  ex- 
ecution of  one  of  them.  Requests  for  leave  to  put  per- 
sons to  death  were  often  made  to  Persian  kings  by  their 
near  relatives  (Herod.  IX.  110;  Plutarch,  Artax.  14, IB, 
17,  23,  etc.),  but  only  rarely  by  others."  Rawlinson. 
-Tk.J 


else  not  have  been  taken  captive  by  the  charms 
of  a  woman,  nor  have  made  such  unlimited  pro- 
mises, as  he  expressed.  But  true  worth  dwells 
with  Esther,  who,  impelled  by  love  for  her  peo- 
ple, risks  even  her  life.  Judgment  concerning 
him  would  be  vastly  different  if  his  liberality 
were  to  remind  us  that  divine  love  above  is  pre- 
pared to  give  the  better  (godly)  people  all  that  is 
needed  for  its  salvation  and  welfare.  At  any  rate 
Esther  here  very  well  represents  the  better  peo- 
ple. There  are  found  in  her  beautiful  counte- 
nance traces  of  the  deep  grief  which  fills  her 
heart.  She  has  become  weakened  by  the  fasting 
which  she  has  imposed  upon  herself.  She  is  pale 
in  consequence  of  fear,  which  she  cannot  sup- 
press. Hence  her  appearance  is  all  the  more 
noble  and  winsome  to  us.  And  if  in  Ahasuerus 
we  regard  the  power  which  must  be  overcome, 
and  in  her  the  possibility  of  Israel's  power,  then 
it  can  no  more  be  doubtful,  how  great  will  be  the 
victory  of  Israel. 

Brenz:  "This  is  truly  heroic  magnanimity, 
by  which  Esther  declares  as  great  a  faith  tow- 
ards God,  as  love  towards  H:s  church.  Her 
trust  in  Him  is  such  that  she  incurs  the  peril  of 
her  life  in  obedience  to  His  call.  For  though  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  case  threaten  her  de- 
struction, st ill  she  hangs  by  faith  upon  the  di- 
vine promises.  For  whom  God  calls  and  leads 
into  danger,  to  him  He  has  also  promised  preser- 
vation and  deliverance  in  those  dangers.  To 
Abraham  He  said:  '  Get  thee  out  of  thy  country 
and  thy  father's  house.'  This  was  a  call  to  face 
danger.  But  He  also  added  the  promise :  'I  will 
make  of  thee  a  great  nation.'  It  is  love  alone 
that  exposes  itself  in  behalf  of  the  church  of  God, 
and  would  rather  risk  its  own  life  than  leave  the 
Church  of  God  in  danger.  We  may  at.  the  same 
time  observe  the  modesty  of  Esther.  Though 
elevated  to  regal  majesty  she  does  not  disregard 
nor  despise  her  relatives,  even  when  most  unfor- 
tunate and  outcast ;  but  condescends  even  to  run 
the  hazard  of  her  life  for  them.  How  very  far 
are  some  men,  who  have  obtained  a  dignity  be- 
yond others,  from  exhibiting  this  modesty!" 

2.  We  may  recognize  the  picture  of  a  soul 
praying  to  God  in  the  image  of  Esther  standing 
with  humble  and  imploring  attitude  before  Aha- 
suerus. Sacred  poetry,  especially,  has  made  use 
of  single  features  or  expressions  of  this  history 
in  this  regard.  So  Dressier  in  his  beautiful 
hymn:  "My  Jesus  to  whom  seraphim,"  etc., 
causes  the  pious  supplicant  to  say  :  "  Reach  thy 
sceptre  to  my  soul,  which  like  an  Esther  bows  to 
thee,  and  shows  herself  thy  bride  to  thee.  Speak: 
'  Yea,  thou  art  she  whom  I  have  chosen.'  "  The 
representative  signification  of  the  persons  in  this 
history  have,  as  it  were,  brought  with  them  their 
own  recognition.  The  Christian  may  certainly 
employ  them  in  this  sense.  So  Starke  when  he 
says:  "If  a  heathen  king  can  willingly  grant 
such  grace,  how  much  more  willing  is  the  most 
faithful  Loni  to  receive  all  poor  destitute  sinners 
coming  to  Him  in  faith,  and  in  the  good  time  to 
come  to  place  them  upon  His  throne."  Ahasue- 
rus paid  no  regard  to  the  fact  that  Esther  had 
violated  his  commandment,  but  received  her  very 
graciously,  although  his  irrevocable  edict  stood 
iu  the  way  of  granting  her  petition.  The  faiher 
heart  of  God,  although  we  violate  all  His  laws, 


CHAP.   V.    1-14. 


69 


and  (hough  His  unchangeable  holiness  be  again-t 
I  he  sinner,  still  yearns  toward  us  in  its  great 
love  and  grace.  But  just  as  Esther  came  boldly 
and  yet  modestly,  so  we  also  must  combine  with 
true  humility  a  true  and  elevated  courage,  a  dis 
heartened  repentance  together  with  confiding 
faith. 

Brevz  :  "Consider  a  moment  the  happy  is- 
sue that  these  eventstake,  which  are  undertaken 
with  faith  and  pious  prayer,  .  .  .  How  did  Hi- 
ther extort  this  from  sogreata  king?  Certainly 
not  by  outcries,  nor  by  contempt,  nor  by  disdain, 
nor  by  quarrels,  nor  by  contention,  nor  by  dis- 
honest means  ;  for  by  these  practices  women  are 
wont  to  get  blows  and  wounds  rather  than  power 
and  control ;  but  by  piety  toward  God,  by  reve- 
rence toward  her  husband,  by  modes'y  and  all 
other  reputable  virtues.  For  so  by  serving  and 
being  obedient  women  rule,  which  is  their  ouly 
legitimate  mode  of  governing." 

Starke  :  "  The  king's  heart  is  in  the  hand  of 
the  Lord,  as  the  rivers  of  water;  He  turneth  it 
whithersoever  lie  will  (Prov.  xxi.  1).  My  God 
reach  Thy  sceptre  also  to  Thy  bride  now  hum- 
bliug  herself  before  Thee. — To  promise  much  is 
the  universal  custom  of  great  men,  but  those 
keeping  promises  are  few  in  number,  (1  Mace, 
xi.  53).  It  is  far  easier  to  obtain  favors  by  an 
humble  and  modest  behaviour  than  by  sullenness 
and  a  boasting  manner  (Gen.  xxiii.  7  sqq.)." 

Vers.  9-14.  1.  Our  book  is  distinguished  by 
showing  us  the  greatest  and  most  surprising 
changes  of  fortune  of  opposite  character  in  a  very 
small  compass.  Est  her  and  Mordecai,  after  having 
the  most  pleasing  prospects  held  out  to  them,  are 
plunged  in  the  greatest  distress:  indeed  they  are 
seized  with  the  terrors  of  death,  and  fast  in  sack- 
cloth and  ashes.  Then  agaiD  they  are  lifted  up 
to  the  highest  pinnacle  of  human  fortune.  Ha- 
inan, on  the  contrary,  the  most  powerful  favorite 
of  Ahasuerus,  can  even  think  of  exterminating  a 
whole  people  in  order  to  satisfy  his  desire  for 
revenge.  The  king  not  only  agrees  to  all  that 
he  undertakes,  but  the  queen  also  distinguishes 
him  before  all  other  officers  in  the  most  flatter- 
ing manner.  This  he  himself  regards  as  the 
very  summit  of  his  fortune  and  honor;  and  then 
his  fall  is  so  sudden  and  great,  that  be  finds  his 
end  on  the  very  accursed  tree  which  but  shortly 
before  he  caused  to  be  erected  for  his  mortal 
enemy.  In  this  way  our  book  strikingly  illus- 
trates the  double  truth,  that,  whomsoever  the 
Lord  would  raise  especially  high,  He  often  hum- 
bles very  low;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  he  whom 
He  would  suddenly  overthrow,  is  often  raised  to 
great  heights.  In  other  words,  it  shows  us  in 
what  wonderful  ways  the  Lord  leads  His  own 
children,  as  well  as  godless  sinners.  But  it  al<o 
gives  a  very  definite  reason  why  the  one  receives 
such  exalted  station  and  the  other  such  great 
degradation.  We  must  not  therefore  think  of 
God  in  an  anthropopathic,  /.  c,  unholy  manner, 
nor  must  we  speak  of  "  a  freak  of  fortune."  The 
process  of  humbling  brings  forth  quite  a  different 
result  in  the  pious  person  than  does  elevation  in 
an  ungodly  one.  The  humiliation  of  Mordecai 
causes  him  to  enter  upon  most  severe  and  long- 
continued  exertion,  instead  of  remaining  in  a 
state  of  inactivity  and  reserve.  He  begins  to 
exert  himself  in  a  most  persistent  manner  to  do 


all  in  his  power  for  the  deliverance  of  his  people, 
without  regard  to  his  own  personal  cost  or  com- 
fort. He  even  puts  at  stake  the  welfare  of  bis 
beloved  Esther,  for  the  good  of  all  the  people. 
He  prevails  upon  Esther,  and  she  is  willing  to 
endeavor  to  save  her  people,  even  at  the  risk  of 
her  own  lite.  By  means  of  their  humiliation 
they  both  were  elevated  to  a  grand  height  of  pur- 
pose, which  they  had  not  before  known.  But 
the  matter  chiefly  interesting  is,  that  they  sub- 
mit to  this  humbling  process.  This  is  shown  by 
their  fast.  They  become  conscious  that  in  I  hem 
are  many  things  that  provoke  the  displeasure 
of  God,  and  thus  they  are  purified  by  means  of 
their  sorrows.  There  was  doubtless  not  want- 
ing in  them  the  proverbial  Jewish  Btiff-necked- 
ness;  and  this  had  first  to  be  broken,  before  they 
bec-ime  fitted  for  the  good  days  coming,  espe- 
cially in  manifesting  humility,  gratitude,  and 
condescension  towards  others.  Haman,  on  the 
contrary,  as  soon  as  he  came  from  the  banquet 
with  Esther,  gathers  his  friends  and  wife,  boast- 
ing of  his  glorious  riches,  and  the  multitude  of 
his  sons,  and  his  exalted  dignity  and  honor,  not 
in  order  to  bring  a  thank-offering  to  his  God,  hut 
only  to  impress  upon  them,  to  what  recognition 
and  distinctions  of  honor  he  can  lay  claim.  The 
first  and  great  mistake  of  the  wicked  is  that  all 
which  they  have  accomplished  and  gained  be- 
comes a  source  of  self-exaltation:  the  result  is, 
that  instead  of  finding  their  success  more  than 
great  enough,  they  still  find  fault,  indeed  regard 
it  as  worthless,  as  nothing,  so  long  as  they  have 
not  yet  attained  the  one  thing,  which  now  ap- 
pears to  them  as  chief.  The  effect  is  not  that 
they  reflect  and  become  conscious  of  their  in- 
ternal want,  but  they  accu-e  those  circumstances 
that  bring  the  want.  Hence  their  third  and 
most  desperate  mistake  is,  that  they  conceive  the 
resolution,  or  are  moved  thereto  by  others,  that, 
whatever  be  in  their  way,  let  it  cost  what  it  may, 
be  it  even  an  outrageous  deed,  they  will  remove 
it,  so  only  they  reach  the  longed-for  object.  If 
the  antecedent  humiliation  is  the  proper  begin- 
ning for  the  elevation  of  the  pious,  then  the  pre- 
ceding elevation  is  already  a  beginning  of  divine 
judgment  for  the  wicked.  The  words:  "When 
thou  dost  humble  me,  thou  dost  make  me  great  " 
(Ps.  xviii.  36),  which  in  the  original  reads: 
"Thy  gentleness  (condescension)  hath  made  me 
great,"  has  its  truth  well  expressed  in  Luther's 
translation;  and  in  so  far  he  correctly  interprets 
the  text,  since  God  condescends  or  humbles  Him- 
self only  to  those  that  are  humbled.  But  the 
other:  "Surely  thou  didst  set  them  in  slippery 
places"  (namely  the  wicked),  must  mean  that  by 
simply  permitting  the  success  of  their  plans  and 
their  prosperity,  the  Lord  places  the  feet  of  the 
wicked  on  ground  which  will  turn  to  water  under 
their  feet  (comp.  Job  xx    16). 

Brenz  :  "Remark  in  Hainan  the  stupendous 
and  wonderful  judgment  of  God.  For  the  im- 
pious Haman  is  most  exultant  and  fearless  as 
regards  the  preservation  and  augmentation  of 
his  dignity  and  power;  and  he  is  most  certain 
also  of  the  destruction  of  Mordecai,  whom  he 
prosecutes  with  hatred.  But  behold  now  the 
end  of  the  thing.  The  impious  and  secure  Ha- 
man shall  perish  with  sudden  destruction;  while 
the  pious  and  afflicted  Mordecai  is  unexpectedly 


70 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


raised  to  the  highest  dignity.  .  .  .  Let  us  there- 
fore cast  away  all  impious  security,  and  fear 
God;  so  that,  walking  according  to  the  calling 
of  God,  you  may  be  preserved  though  the  sky 
fall  and  the  earth  be  moved." 

Feuardent  (from  Kupert,  De  victoria  verbi, 
VIII.,  18) :  '"In  order  that  he  may  give  over  a 
huge  wild  beast,  as  a  fierce  bear,  to  destruction, 
he  first  draws  him  to  his  food ;  so  that  he  may  no 
sooner  hear  the  report,  than  feel  the  pang ;  no 
sooner  see  the  pit,  than  fall  into  it.  The  cau- 
tious hunter  well  knows  that  it  is  more  conve- 
nient to  overpower  the  entrapped  beast,  than  to 
overtake  it  by  a  doubtful  chase  with  the  dogs 
when  frightened  and  running  through  the  woods. 
These  things  are  evidently  to  be  regarded  as  not 
merely  a  part  of  the  prudence  of  Esther,  but. 
much  more  of  Divine  Providence,  which  directed 
the  prudence  of  the  queen.' — Surely  Haman  errs 
in  that  boasting,  since  he  neither  recognises 
God  as  the  author  and  bestower  of  so  many  good 
things,  nor  gives  Him  thanks  without  contumely 

and  the  mark  of  a  most  ungrateful  mind 

What  could  be  more  effeminate  and  miserable 
than  such  a  spirit?  Does  he  not  seem  like  ano- 
ther Tantalus,  catching  at  the  streams  that  flee 
his  lips?  ...  So  they  who  have  not  peace  toward 
God  and  love  toward  their  neighbor,  cannot  even 
have  them  toward  themselves.  '  Peace  to  those 
who  are  near  and  to  those  that  are  afar  off,'  says 
the  Lord;  'but  the  wicked  are  like  the  troubled 
sea,  that  cannot  rest,  whose  waves  cast  up  mire 
and  dirt'  (Isa.  lvii.  20).  .  .  .  Observe  finally  how 
false  and  vain  is  the  confidence  of  impious  and 
cruel  men,  who  seek  and  hope  to  oppress  and  ut- 
terly destroy  the  servants  of  God.  It  is  them- 
selves that  perish  by  the  just  judgment  of  God, 
and  they  are  often  caught  by  the  very  snares  they 
lay  for  others;  while  God  rescues  His  servants, 
and  magnificently  vindicates  them.  Goliath  and 
Holofernes  are  slain  with  their  own  sword,  and 
the  saints  triumph  with  their  heads.  The  Baby- 
lonian satraps  seemed  to  themselves  secure,  when 
the  flames  and  the  lions  were  about  to  devour 
Daniel  and  his  companions  ;  but  the  latter  were 
gloriously  preserved,  and  the  former  ignomini- 
ously  perished  by  their  own  artifices  and  instru- 
ments.    Pharaoh  boasted,  'I  will  overtake  (the 


Hebrews),  I  will  divide  the  spoil'  (Exod.  it.  9); 
but  he  immediately  became  food  for  the  fishes, 
and  a  prey  for  the  servants  of  the  Lord.  •  The 
Lord  knoweth  the  thoughts  of  man,  that  they  are 
foolishness.'  '  He  that  sitteth  in  the  heavens 
shall  laugh  at  them.'  These  are  the  effects  of 
that  judgment  of  which  the  Holy  Spirit  speaks 
by  the  prophets:  'Evildoers  shall  be  cut  off; 
but  those  that  wait  upon  the  Lord,  they  shall  in- 
herit the  earth'  (Ps.  xxxvii.  9).  Let  us  there- 
fore cast  away  impious  security,  contempt  of 
God,  and  inhumanity  towards  others;  but.  let  us 
walk  in  the  love  and  fear  of  the  Lord,  that  at 
length  we  may  come  to  His  heavenly  kingdom." 

2.  The  previous  chapter  has  shown  of  what  ex- 
ertions and  self-denial  Mordecai  and  Esther  were 
capable  in  their  conflict  with  Haman,  since  the 
salvation  of  their  people  was  at  stake ;  the  pre- 
sent chapter  shows  us  the  extent  of  the  evil  mind 
of  Haman,  since  he  w;is  only  concerned  for  him- 
self. It  was  not  enough  for  him  to  have  procured 
an  edict  commanding  the  universal  destruction 
of  the  Jews.  It  seemed  too  long  a  time  before 
this  should  be  accomplished.  Neither  in  his 
eyes  should  Mordecai  perish  in  the  manner  of 
the  rest  of  the  Jews.  He  made  it  a  point  not 
only  to  destroy  Mordecai.  but  to  expose  him  to 
public  shame.  So  instead  of  abiding  by  the  lot, 
the  voice  of  his  divinity,  which  had  imposed  pa- 
tience on  him,  he  took  counsel  with  his  wife  and 
friends.  Thus  he  reached  a  point  in  his  mad- 
ness of  impatience  and  insecurity  which  in  itself 
is  the  best  proof  that  such  a  one  is  not  far  from 
self-destruction. 

Starke;  "An  envious  man  cnnnot  peacefully 
enjoy  the  benefits  which  God  gives  him.  Go  not 
after  thine  lusts,  but  refrain  thyself  from  thine 
appetites  (Sir.  xviii.  30). — It  is  very  grievous  of 
wives  to  urge  their  husbands  to  do  wickedly  (1 
Kings  xxi.  7;  Sir.  xxviii.  15  10). — He  who  digs 
a  pit  for  others  will  fall  in  himself  (Sir.  xxv.  11, 
20). — We  must  not  of  ourselves  revenge  ourselves 
on  our  enemy,  but  first  bring  him  before  the  pro- 
per tribunal  (Rom.  xii.  19). — When  the  wicked 
are  busy  to  remove  from  their  path  what  will 
mar  their  earthly  joy,  then,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  godly  should  be  diligent  to  remove  that  which 
will  embitter  their  spiritual  and  heavenly  joy." 


CHAP.  VI.  1-14.  7j 


PART  SECOND. 

the   :nxA.:tsrc3-:E3:R,   behoved. 

Chaps.  VI.— X. 

FIRST  SECTION. 

The  Fall  of  Hamau. 
Chaps.  VI.  VII. 

A.— HAMAN,  EXPECTING  THE  HIGHEST  HONOR,  IS  BROUGHT  LOW.     HE  MUST  GIVE 
THE  HIGHEST  HONOR  TO  MORDECAI. 

Chapter  VI.  1-14. 

I.  Ahasuerus  is  reminded  of  Mordecai" s  former  meritorious  act  and  desires  to  know  what    reward  has  been 

given  him.     Vers.  1-5. 

1  On  that  night  could  not  the  king  sleep  [the  sleep  of  the  king  fled]  ;  and  he  com- 
manded [said]  to  bring  the  book  of  records  [memorials]  of  the  Chronicles  [words  of 

2  the  days]  :  and  they  were  read1  before  the  king.  And  it  was  found  written,  that 
Mordecai  had  told  of  [upon]  Bigthana  and  Teresh,  two  of  the  king's  chamberlains 
[eunuchs],  the  keepers  of  the  door  [threshold],  who  sought  to  lay  hand  on  the  king 

3  Ahasuerus.  And  the  king  said,  What  honour  and  dignity  [greatness]  hath  been 
done  to  Mordecai  for  [upon]  this?  Then  [And]  said  the  king's  servants  [young 
men]  that  ministered  unto  him  [his  attendants],    There  is  nothing  [has  not  a  word 

4  been]  done  for  [with]  him.  And  the  king  said,  Who  is  in  the  court?  (Now  [And] 
Hainan  was  [had]  come  into  the  outward  court  of  the  king's  house,  to  speak  [say] 
unto  the  king  to  hang  Mordecai  on  the  gallows  [tree]  that  he  had  prepared  for  him ). 

5  And  the  king's  servants  [young  men]  said  unto  him,  Behold,  Hainan  standeth  [is 
standing]  in  the  court.     And  the  king  said,  Let  him  come  in. 

II.  Human  describes  the  mode  of  honoring  a  deserving  man,  and  Ahasuerus  commands  him  to  bestow  such 

on  Mordecai.     Vers.  6-11. 

6  So  [And]  Hainan  came  in.  And  the  king  said  unto  him,  What  shall  be  done 
[is  there  to  do]  unto  [in  the  case  of]  the  man  whom  the  king  delighteth  to  honour 
[in  whose  honour  the  king  delighteth]  ?     (Now  [And]  Haman  thought  [said]  in  his 

7  heart,  to  whom  would  the  king  delight  to  do  honour  more  than  to  myself?).  And 
Haman  answered  [said  to]  the  king,  For  the  man  whom  the  king  delitihteth  to  ho- 

8  nour  [in  whose  honour  the  king  delighteth],  Let  the  roval  apparel  be  brought  [let 
them  bring,  etc.']  which  the  king  useth  to  wear  [with  which  the  king  has  clothed 
himself],  and  the  horse  that  the  king  rideth  [has  ridden]  upon,  and  the  crown-royal 

9  which  is  set  upon  his  head  :  And  let  this  [the]  apparel  and  [the]  horse  be  delivered 
to  [given  upon]  the  hand  of  one  [a  man]  of  the  king's  most  noble  princes,2  that  they 
may  array  [and  let  them  apparel]  the  man  withal  whom  the  king  delighteth  to  ho- 
nour [in  whose  honour  the  king  delighteth],  and  bring  him  on  horseback  [cause 
him  to  ride  on  the  horses]  through  [in]  the  street  [wide  place]  of  the  city,  and  pro- 
claim [let  them  call]  before  him,  Thus  shall  it  be  done  to  the  man  whom  the  king 

10  delighteth  to  honour  [in  whose  honour  the  king  delighteth].     Then  [And]  the  king 
said  to  Haman,  Make  haste,  and  take  the  apparel  and  the  horse,  as  thou  hast  said 


72 


THE  BOOS  OF  ESTHER. 


[spoken],  and  do  even  so  to  Mordecai  the  Jew  that  sitteth  [the  one  sitting]  at  [in] 
the  king's  gate :  let  nothing  fail   [not  a  word  fall]  of  all  that  thou  hast  spoken. 

11  Then  [And]  took  Hainan  the  apparel,  aud  the  horse,  and  arrayed  [apparelled] 
Mordecai,  and  brought  him  on  horseback  [caused  him  to  ride]  through  [in]  the 
street  [wide  place]  of  the  cty,  and  proclaimed  [called]  before  him,  Thus  shall  it  be 
done  unto  the  man  whom  the  king  delighteth  to  honour  [in  whose  honour  the  king 
delighteth], 

III.   The  vexation  of  Haman  is  only  increased  through  the  evil  prophecy  of  his  friends.     Vers.  12-14. 

12  And  Mordecai  came  again  [returned]  to  the  king's  gate:  but  [and]  Haman 
hasted  [urged  himself]  to  his  house  mourning,  and  having  his  head  covered  [veiled 

13  as  to  the  head].  And  Haman  told  [recounted  to]  Zeresh  his  wife  and  all  his  friends 
[lovers]  every  thing  that  had  befallen  him.  Then  [And]  said  his  wise  men  and 
Zeresh  his  wife  unto  him,  If  Mordecai  be  of  the  seed  of  the  Jews,  before  whom  thou 
hast  begun  to  fall,  thou  shalt  not  prevail  against  [be  able  to]  him,  but  [for  thou] 

14  shalt  surely  fall  before  him.  And  while  they  were  yet  talking  with  him  [and,  i.  e., 
then]  the  king's  chamberlains  [eunuchs]  came  [approached],  aud  hasted  to  bring 
Haman  unto  the  banquet  that  Esther  had  prepared  [made]. 


TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [The  original  is  very  explicit.  D*N"OJ  VJT1.  "  and  these  were  in  the  act  of  being  called  over." — Tr.] 

2  ["  The  princes,  the  Parthemim,"  a  term  apparently  of  special  distinction. — Tr.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-5.  As  in  the  former  chapter  the  dan- 
ger for  Mordecai  rose  to  the  highest  point,  and 
we  may  expect  nothing  more  than  that  both  op- 
ponents, if  left  to  themselves,  should  destroy 
each  other  on  the  following  morning,  even  before 
the  careful  Esther  has  as  yet  accomplished  her 
mission,  we  now  perceive  how  timely  is  the  oc- 
currence of  an  event  in  the  intervening  night, 
which  not  only  prevents  Esther's  intercession  for 
Mordecai  from  being  too  late,  but  also  brings 
about  the  beginning  of  the  downfall  of  Haman 
The  author  ascribes  this  occurrence  to  the 
troubled  sleep  of  Ahasuerns.  Thus  any  who 
merely  take  a  superficial  view  of  things  might 
ascribe  it  to  chance.  But  to  judge  from  what 
we  have  already  seen,  it  is  certainly  not  opposed 
to  his  view,  that  the  second  Targum  in  all  things 
transpiring  takes  God  into  account,  and  repre- 
pents  things  as  if  the  anzel  of  God's  mercy  were 
well  informed  of  the  lamentations  of  the  daugh- 
ters of  Israel,  and  at  God's  command  had  dis- 
turbed the  sleep  of  Ahasuerus. 

Ver  1.  On  that  night  could  not  the  king 
sleep — but  not  because  the  issued  edict  against 
the  Jews  had  caused  him  unrest.  In  conse- 
quence he  commanded  to  bring  the  book 
of  records  of  the  Chronicles,  in  which,  ac- 
cording to  chap.  ii.  23,  Mordecai's  deed  was  in- 
scribed. He  caused  it  to  he  read,  not  in  order 
to  find  out  whether  the  .lews  had  really  deserved 
their  exterminalion.  This  would  have  been  wor- 
thy of  a  better  king,  but  it  is  opposed  by  the 
facts  in  ver.  10  and  chap.  iii.  15,  and  also  chap, 
vii.  5.  His  object  was  simply  to  entertain  him- 
self with  the  records  of  the  past.  Still  it  is  re- 
markable that  just  that  point,  treating  of  Mor- 
decai's act,  should  have  been  read.  On  anv 
other  than  a  providential  view,  one  would  be  in- 
clined to  think  that   he  had  commanded  first  of 


all  to  read  those  passages  referring  to  the  Jews.* 
The  use  of  the  participle  D'N"IDJ  ViTl  signifies 
that  the  reading  lasted  for  some  time,  perhaps 
extended  through  the  night.  Hence  we  may  not 
be  astonished  that  when  the  passage  referred  to 
came  to  be  read,  Haman  already  waited  in  the 
outer  court. 

Vers.  2,  3.  The  name  Bigthana  reads  Bigthan 
in  chap,  ii  21.  The  question  of  the  king:  'what 
honour  and  dignity  hath  been  done  to 
Mordecai  for  this  ?  means,  What  honor  and 
reward  has  been  assigned  him?  fW/JJ,  because 
of  this  report,  iirj?  with  DJ7  means:  to  appor- 
tion, to  requite,  (comp.  2  Sam.  ii.  6;  iii.  8  etal.).j 

Ver.  4.  The  question:  who  is  in  the  court? 
means,  what  officer  is  now  present?  The  king 
desired  to  consult  with  him  as  to  what  distinc- 
tion would  be  appropriate  to  Mordecai.  It  seems 
that  those  desiring  to  be  admitted  to  the  king's 
presence  had  to  wait  in  the  outer  court.  With 
reference  to  the  king's  intention  to  distinguish 
Mordecai,  come  Brisson  Dereg.  Pres.  princ.  I., 
c.  135. 

Ver.  5.  Even  though  other  officers  were  there 
already,    still    Haman    stood    first    in    choice  J 


*  ["There  is  reason  to  think  that  the  Persian  kines 
were  in  most  cases,  unable  to  read.  (Eawlinson's  An- 
cient Monarchies.  Vol.  IV.,  p.  18).  Hence  documents, 
which  they  wanted  to  consult,  were  read  to  them." 
Rawi.insos. — Tr.] 

■f  ["  It  was  a  settle. 1  principle  of  the  Persian  govern- 
ment that  '  Royal  Benefactors  '  were  to  receive  an  ade- 
quate reward.  The  names  of  such  persons  were  plat  •  1 
on  a  special  roll  (Herod.  VIII.  5!,  and  great  care  was 
taken  that  thev  should  he  properly  recommended.  (Pee 
Herod.  III.  1  in';  V.  11 :  VIII.85;  Thocyd.  I.  138;  Xen- 
oph.  Hd  III.  1  and  6.  eleX  It  is  a  mistake,  however,  to 
suppose  (Dnvidsnni  that  they  were  always  rewarded  at 
once  Themi«toelos  was  inscribed  on  the  list  in  B.  C.  4sn, 
hut  did  not  obtain  a  reward  till  B.  C.  465.  Other  'bene- 
factors '  waited  for  months  (Herod.  V.  111.  or  perhaps 
years  (id.  IX.  l«7i  before  they  were  recompensed.  Some- 
times a  '  benefactor'  seems  to  have  received  no  reward 
at  all  (ib.  III.  1381."    Rawmksos.— ■ Tr-I 

J  ["  He  was  waitiug  in  the  outer  court,  till  it  should  be 


CHAP.  VI.  1-14. 


Doubtless  he  was  the  moat  acceptable  to  the 
king.  S03' is  a  short  order:  "Let  him  come  in," 
namely  inlo  the  house  of  the  king. 

Vers.  6-11.  Convinced  that  he  only  could  be 
the  man  whom  the  king  delighted  to  honor,  Ha- 
inan at  once  designates  the  very  highest  honor, 
and  is  immediately  commanded  to  award  it  to 
Mordecai.  Our  author  very  strikingly  portrays 
how  Haman,  in  the  very  moment  in  which  he 
expected  to  receive  the  highest  distinction  for 
himself,  was  most  effectually  and  painfully 
brought  low;  and  that  his  opponent,  whoin  he 
hoped  to  destroy,  was  elevated  to  the  highest 
place  of  honor.  Both  of  these  things,  too — and 
this  adds  an  additional  charm  to  the  whole — 
were  brought  about  by  Haman  himself,  by  his 
own  expressed  judgment,  indeed  by  his  own  hand. 

Ver.  6.  When  the  king  had  asked  the  ques- 
tion, Haman  thought  within  himself  (uU  "IDX), 
to  whom  would  the  king  delight  to  do 
honor  more  than  to  myself? — USD  "lnv, 
going  beyond  jne,  more  than  myself.  1DV  occurs 
in  this  form  only  in  a  later  period  (comp.  Eccl. 
xii.  12,9;  also  chap.  ii.  15;  vii.  11,  16). 

Ver.  7.  Haman  was  quickly  prepared  to  give 
answer,  and  without  any  difficulty  called  up  one 
distinction  of  honor  after  another.  The  sen- 
tence: For  the  man  whom  the  king  de- 
lighteth  to  honor,  is  placed  in  advance  as  be- 
ing a  theme  brought  up  by  the  king  aud  plea- 
sant for  his  own  ears  to  hear.  We  can  replace 
it  with  the  Xomin.  Abs.  in  this  way:  As  regards 
the  man,  etc.  Thereafter  he  adds  honor  upon 
honor  that  should  be  bestowed  on  such  a  one, 
and  seems  hardly  to  know  where  to  stop.  But 
his  aim  is  thai  the  king  should  thereby  designate 
this  man  to  be  ihus  honored  as  his  second  or 
other  self,  which  in  view  of  the  divine  dignity 
of  the  Persian  kings,  implied  a  great  deal. 

Ver.  8.  Let  the  royal  apparel  be  brought 
which  the  king  useth  towear. — The  coustr. 

of  U27  with  3  occurs  only  here  and  in  the  Ara- 

-T  :  * 

bic  ;  in  other  places  C37  is  followed  by  the  ac- 
cus.,  or  by  7>2  with  a  distinct  part  of  the  body. 

The  garment  is  not  to  be  one  such  as  the  king 
is  accustomed  to  wear,  but  as  the  perfect  tense 
fully  shows,  one  which  he  has  worn.  Hence  it 
is  not  to  be  a  common  apparel  for  a  special  oc- 
casion, or  the  so-called  Median  dress,  which  the 
king  himself  wore,  as  also  those  distinguished  by 
him,  especially  his  princes  (comp.  Herod.  III. 
84:  VII.  116;  Xenophon's  Cyrop.  VIII.  8,  las 
also  Babr's  annotation  on  Herod.  III.  81);  but 
it  was  a  costly  garment,  whose  value  was  much 
enhanced  by  the  fact  that  the  king  had  worn  it. 
It  is  not  expressly  related  that,  the  king  gave  as 
a  present  his  own  garments  as  a  mark  of  honor, 
at  least  not  by  the  Grecian  authors.  Plutarch, 
however,  relates  (in  his  Ar/ax.  24),  that  Tiriba- 
zus  had  asked  of  the  king  that  he  put  off  his 
royal  apparel  and  present  it  to  him  (Tiribazus, 
and  doubtless  as  a  mark  of  honor) ;  but  that  the 
king  had  presented  him  with  it,  yet  forbade  him 


announced  that  the  king  was  ready  to  grant  audiences.' 
Rawlinson. — Tk.1 


to  wear  it.*  It  is  therefore  to  be  remarked  that 
thoso  things  which  were  used  by  the  king,  ami 
which  he  had  directly  touched,  especially  his 
garments,  were  through  him  sanctified.  A 
courtier  even  called  the  table  sacred,  from 
which  Darius  Codomannus  had  eaten,  and  wept 
when  he  saw  Alexander  the  Great  place  his  feet 
upon  it.  The  steed  upon  which  the  king  had 
ridden  wore  a  crown,  and  was  thereby  desig- 
nated as  royal  and  sacred.  THJ  can  only  be 
tertia  praet.  Niph.,  not  prima  Plur.  Imperf.  Kal, 
as  in  Judg.  xvi.  5.  li^S03  Ttf'N  does  not  have 
reference  to  the  head  of  a  man,  as  if  one  could 
with  Le  Clerc,  Rambach  and  others  translate: 
"  that,  the  royal  crown  was  placed  on  his  head  " 
(to  this  is  opposed  the  prseter  "IflJ,  instead  of 
which  the  Imperf.  should  have  been  chosen) ; 
but  it  rather  mean9:  upon  the  head  of  the  horse. 
That  the  royal  riding  horse  was  thus  crowned 
is  also  not  expressly  stated,  still  it  is  not  impro- 
bable, since,  according  to  Xenoph.,  Cyrop.  I.  3, 
3;  viii.  3,  16,  to  him  belonged  a  golden  harness. 
Besides  all  this  there  is  seen  on  Assyrian  and 
Old  Persian  monuments,  not  so  distinct  on  the 
latter,  horses  of  the  king,  and  perhtps  also  of 
princes,  that  wear  an  ornament  on  their  heads 
terminating  in  three  points,  which  can  easily  be 
taken  for  a  crown. f 

Ver.  9.  And  let  this  apparel  and  horse 
be  delivered  to  the  hand  of  one  of  the 
king's  most  noble  princes,  etc. — flfU,  the 
infinitive,  is  the  supplement  of  the  optative 
WJX1  (comp.  chap.  ii.  3).  Delivered  to  the  hand 
of,  i.  e.,  given  over  to,  given  up  to.  As  regards 
D'^rnan,  comp.  chap.  i.  3.  The  place  3n"P 
"VJJil,  upon  which  the  man  to  be  honored  should 
ride  up  and  down,  must,  according  to  chap.  iv. 
6,  have  been  before  the  king's  gale  and  palace, 
and  therefore  a  public  thoroughfare.  Accord- 
ing to  Gen.  xli.  43,  a  similar  honor  was  bestowed 
upon  Joseph. 

Vers.  10,  11.  The  king  perfectly  agreed  to 
the  proposition  of  Haman  at  once — and  this 
must  no  doubt  surprise  the  reader;  he  orders 
this  designated  honor  to  be  shown  to  Mordecai. 
That  Mordecai  was  a  Jew  and  accustomed  to  sit 
in  the  king's  gate  could  be  well  known  to  him 
from  the  records  of  the  chronicle  of  the  empire, 
or  from  the  courtiers,  who  read  the  history  to 
him,  and  who  had  doubtless  also  given  him  still 


*  ["  The  honors  here  proposed  have  been  thought 
'excessive,'  and  certainly  they  are  such  as  Persian  mo- 
narch? rarelv  allowed  to  subjects.  Each  act  would  have 
been  a  capital  offence  if  done  without  permission.  Still 
there  is  nothing  contrary  to  Oriental  notions  in  then- 
being  done  under  sufferance."  Rawlinsos.— TbJ 

+  ["The  meaning  of  this  clause  is  doubtful.  Either 
it  mav  be  translated,  '  and  on  whose  head  a  royal  crown 
is  set/  the  reference  being  to  the  horse,  which  concei- 
vably might  bear  an  ornament  like  a  crown  on  its  crest ; 
or,  -and  that  a  roval  crown  be  set  upon  his  head,'  the 
reference  being  to  the  man,  and  the  suggestion  being 
notto  deprive  the  king  of  his  own  diadem,  but  to  place 
on  the  head  of  the  person  about  to  be  honored  a  crown 
similar  in  general  character  to  the  royal  one.  (Compare 
chap.  i.  11)'.  The  grammatical  construction  i-  in  tavor 
of  the  former  rendering:  but  we  have  in  evidence  that 
Persian  horses  even  wore  crowns  on  their  heads." — 
Rawlinson.  We  may  add  that  the  latter  idea  is  too  fan- 
tastic for  even  Oriental  taste. — Tb.j 


74 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


other  information  respecting  Mordecai.*  It  is 
very  remarkable  that  the  king  did  not  here 
remember,  or  at  least  overlooked  the  tact  that 
he  had  decreed  the  destruction  of  the  Jews,  and 
had  even  given  them  over  to  Hainan;  but  this  is 
not  entirely  inexplicable,  as  may  be  seen  from 
his  usual  mode  of  doing  things — Let  nothing 
fail  of  all  that  thou  hast  spoken,  i.  e.,  omit 
nothing  of  all  these  things  (oomp.  Josh.  xxi.  4-3; 
Judg.  ii.  19). 

Vers.  12-14.  While  Mordecai  returns,  loaded 
with  honors,  to  his  usual  place  of  station,  the 
gate  of  t lie  king.f  Haman,  with  covered  head  and 
sorrowful  heart,  hastens  home  to  his  friends 
and  wife  only  to  hear  the  discouraging  prophecy 
that  the  unfortunate  occurrenoe  will  be  the  be- 
ginning of  his  end.  To  cover  the  head  was  :i 
sign  of  deep  shame  and  distress  (comp.  2  Sau>. 
xv.  30;  Jer.  xiv.  4). J  His  friends  are  now 
called  wise  men,  at  least  some  of  them,  because 
they  undertook  to  forecast  his  future.  Perhaps 
there  were  among  them  some  magicians,  who, 
according  to  Cicero,  Dtvin.  I.  23,  were  a  nation 
of  wise  and  learned  men  They  very  wisely 
concluded :  If  Mordecai  be  of  the  seed  of 

the  Jews,  then  17  7inn  X7,  thou  shalt  not 
prevail  against  him;  then  shalt  not  thou  be 
the  conqueror,   but  he   (comp.   Gen.   xxxii.   26, 

7130  713J),  either  thou  wilt  entirely,  or  at  least 
surely  fall.  It  may  be  asked,  how  did  they 
arrive  at  such  a  conclusion?  If  they  only  attri- 
buted enmity  on  the  part  of  Mordecai,  then  they 
needed  only  to  recall  the  edict  against  the  Jews 
and  published  by  Haman.  But  they  also  attri- 
bute a  superior  power  to  him,  because  he  is  a 
Jew.  Hence  they  must  base  themselves  on 
something  else.  Most  interpreters,  among  them 
also  Bertheau  and  Keil,  think  that  although 
these  friends  had  before  counselled  Haman  to 
have  Mordecai,  the  unfortunate  Jew,  hung,  yet 
now  when  he  had  become  a  highly  honored  per- 
son on  the  part  of  the  king,  and  this  too,  as  it 
were,  through  a  miracle,  the  truth  impresses 
itself  upon  them  that  the  Jews  must  be  under 
the  especial  divine  protection.  And  indeed  we 
find  far  more  indicated  here  than  a  fear  of  the 
shrewdness  and  energy  of  the  Jews.  The  fact 
that  the  Jews  still  existed  iu  spite  of  all  afflic- 
tions which  they  had  endured  must  have  im- 
pressed many  with  the  conviction  that  there  was 
a  higher  power  assisting  and  caring  for  them. 
But  these  persoas  are  more  concerned  now  to  ap- 
pear very  wise.  Hence  they  act  as  if  they  had 
not  known  i hat  Mordecai  was  a  Jew,  although 
Haoiau,  in  chap.  v.  15,  had  expressly  60  stated. 


*  ["There  is  nothing  strange  in  the  king's  knowing 
the  nationality  and  position  of  Mordecai.  His  nation- 
ality would  probably  have  been  noted  in  the  book  of 
tin-  chronicles;  and,  when  told  that  nothing  had  been 
done  tor  him  ivor.  3),  the  king  would  naturally  have 
asked  his  position."  Rawlinson. — Te.] 

t  ["  It  is  quite  consonant  with  Oriental  notions  that 
Moraecaij  alter  receiving  the  extraordinary  honors  as- 
signed him.  should  return  to  the  palace  and  resume 
his  former  humble  employment.  Ahasuerus  regarding 
him  as  sufficiently  rewarded,  and  not  yet  intending  to 
do  any  thing  more  for  him."  Rawlinson. — Tb.] 

X  \lt  was  also  "through  shame  probably;  not  wishing 
anv  of  his  acquaintance  to  accost  him."  Rawlinson. 
— ta.J 


Ver.  14.  In  order  that  the  narrative  may  make 
a  very  strong  impression,  there  must  now  lollow 
blow  upon  blow  in  quick  succession.  Hardly 
had  the  prophecy  been  uttered  before  its  lulfill- 
uicnt  begins.  Accordingly  the  eunuchs  of  the 
king  arrive,  who  press  Haman  to  come  to  the 
banquet  of  the  king. 

DOCTRINAL   AND    ETHICAL. 

Ver.  1  sq.  1.  Mordecai,  according  to  chap.  iv. 
14,  was  convinced  that  if  Esther  would  not  un- 
dertake the  rescue  of  her  people,  there  would  be 
found  other  means  and  ways.  He  had  placed 
his  trust  less  in  her  than  in  the  general  provi- 
dence which  watched  over  him.  Now  it  is  seen 
that  though  Esther  had  become  willing  to  inter- 
cede, he  was  correct  in  his  position.  Even  be- 
fore Esther  had  ventured  to  express  her  request 
for  her  people,  Mordecai  himself  was  threatened 
with  destruction;  and  before  he  could  do  any- 
thing to  avert,  or  was  even  acquainted  with  his 
danger,  it  was  already  removed.  It  seems  to 
have  been  a  very  iusignificaut  means  of  which 
Providence  availed  itself  for  his  protection. 
But  it  was  one  which,  because  it  clearly  lay 
above  human  co-operation,  vevy  definitely  re- 
vealed the  higher  activity  in  his  behalf:  it  was 
the  sleeplessness  of  Ahasuerus.  When  the  Lord 
is  desirous  of  protecting  or  saving  His  people, 
something  must  serve  Him  of  which  men  least 
thought  before.  Nothing  is  either  too  great  or 
too  small  for  Him. 

Bresz:  "  This  is  as  it  is  written  in  the  Psalm: 
'  He  suffered  no  man  to  do  them  wrong;  nay, 
He  rebuked  even  kings  for  their  sake.'  For  the 
pious  are  so  great  a  care  to  God,  that  in  order 
to  preserve  them  He  does  not  even  spare  kings, 
but  brings  upon  them  various  calamities." 

Feuardent  :  "  Let  every  one  bear  in  mind  day 
and  night  that  pious  proposition  of  Augustine 
concerning  the  solicitude  of  God  for  His  saints 
(Conf.  iii.  11):  "So  day  and  night  dost  Thou 
watch  for  my  safe-guard  as  if,  forgetful  of  Thy 
whole  creation  in  heaven  and  earth.  Thou  con- 
sideredst  me  alone,  and  hadst  no  care  for 
others.' " 

Berl.  Bible:  "0  Lord,  it  is  good  to  trust  ia 
Thee  in  the  expectation  of  Thy  help!  Thou 
dost  continually  watch  over  l lie  souls  left  in  Thy 
care.  And  though  Thou  dost  even  wait  until 
things  have  come  to  extremities,  in  order  to 
cause  the  greater  exercise  of  faith,  so  that  none 
may  despair  of  Thy  assistance,  still  at  the  right 
time  Thou  art.  ever  ready  to  help. — What  indeed 
is  more  natural  than  that  a  king  cannot  sleep, 
and  that  he  should  wish  something  read  to  him? 
It  is  this  altogether  natural,  yet  wonderful  lead- 
ing, which  causes  the  hearts  of  those  who  expe- 
rience it  to  rejoice!  To  all  other  hearts  this  is 
dark.  This  wise,  divine  Providence  is  still 
unknown  to  those  who  only  live  in  and  for  them- 
selves." 

2.  It  does  not  appear  that  Ahasuerus  had  a 
restless  night  because  he  had  grievous  thoughts 
regarding  the  edict  of  destruction  against  the 
entire  Jewish  peeple.  We  find  that  he  is  far  too 
careless,  much  too  indifferent  and  superficial, 
for  such  a  state  of  mind  (comp.  chap.  iii.  15; 
vii.  5).     Still  we  would  have  naturally  expected 


CHAP.   VI.   1-14. 


it,  and  it  would  have  been  well  for  hitn  if  it  had 
been  so.  Had  he  been  concerned  about  the 
great  number  of  subjects  that  would  thus  be 
murdered,  it  noull  not  have  been  necessary  for 
him  first  to  be  reminded  of  the  fact,  through  the 
reading  of  the  history  of  his  reign,  that  he  had 
once  been  in  danger  of  being  murdered  himself. 
He  would  have  spontaneously  remembered  that 
only  a  Mordecai  saved  him  from  his  fate  of  de- 
struction. It  would  have  been  quite  just  that  he, 
while  robbing  so  many  of  their  rest  and  sleep, 
whom  he  had  destined  to  a  doom  of  death, 
should  be  sleepless  not  one,  but  many  nights. 
Would  that  every  one  whose  eyes  cannot  find 
sleep  at  night  might  ask  whether  he  had  at  any 
time  or  in  any  manner  done  wrong,  which  he 
should  be  in  haste  to  set  right;  or  whether  he 
does  not  still  owe  thanks  for  some  benefit  re- 
ceived! Would  that  all  those  who  must  be 
awake  at  night  were  clearly  conscious  of  the 
fact  that  there  is  Another  who  is  also  awake, 
and  that  He  it  is  who  imposes  upon  us  this 
sleeplessness!  Only  when  we  look  up  to  Him 
can  we  find  true  rest  (comp.  Ps.  exix.  55). 

3.  It  was  Boon  after  the  marriage  of  Ahasuerus 
with  Esther  that  Mordecai  discovered  and  re- 
ported the  conspiracy.  Hence  it  was  now  over 
five  years  that  this  meritorious  deed  had  been 
recorded,  but  not  yet  rewarded.  Instead  of 
reward,  he  was  threatened  with  destruction. 
Those  who  are  diligent  for  the  welfare  of  others 
must  often  give  up  the  hope  of  receiving  their 
well-merited  reward,  even  at  the  present  day. 
What  is  more  sorrowful  still  is  the  fact  that  one 
is  often  inclined  to  impugn  both  their  motives 
and  their  work,  as  if  they  had  not  designed  it 
or  exerted  themselves  to  effect  it.  Mordecai's 
history  may  he  very  instructive  and  comforting 
to  such.  Ahasuerus  too  may  here  again  as  else- 
where remind  us  of  a  faithful  watchman,  who, 
however  it  may  go  with  him,  never  sleep*  nor 
slumbers  The  works  of  the  good  are  not  only 
recorded  on  earth,  where  they  are  often  and 
easily  forgotten,  but  they  are  above  all  recorded 
in  heaven.  It  is  hecause  God  saves  men  by  His 
grace  that  He  will  render  unto  all  according  to 
their  work — to  those  not  obedient  to  the  truth, 
but  obeying  unrighteousness,  displeasure  and 
wrath;  and  to  ihe  others  according  to  their 
patience  in  good  works,  glory  and  honor  (Rom. 
ii.  7).  The  seed  that  they  have  scattered,  if  it 
was  good,  is  iudestructible,  and  cannot  be  lost ; 
and  when  the  time  comes,  God  will  bring  it  to 
maturity,  so  that  it  may  bear  abundant  fruit 
either  to  the  sowers  or  to  others  (comp.  Gal. 
vi.  9). 

Brenz  :  "Although  men  are  unmindful  of 
benefits  received,  and,  as  Pindar  says,  old  thanks 
sleep,  still  our  Lord  God  is  never  forgetful." 
When  God's  time  for  reward  has  come,  then 
even  the  zeal  of  enemies  must  assist  Him,  as  we 
have  seen  in  our  history  of  Haman.  However 
watchful  and  diligent  our  enemies  may  be  in 
order  to  utterly  destroy  the  pious,  yet  all  their 
acts  and  labor  form  only  the  ground  of  the 
scene,  which  by  the  help  of  God  is  made  to  serve 
in  perfecting  the  web  of  His  leadings. — Brenz: 
"This  is  the  right  hand  of  the  Most  High 
which  brings  it  to  pass  that  those  good  things 
occur    to   the   pious    which    the    wicked    hope 


for;  and  to  the  ungodly  there  come  those  evils 
which  they  have  prepared  for  the  godly."  For 
the  wicked  are  only  the  bearers  of  that  power 
which  is  ever  desirous  of  evil,  and  yet  ever  pro- 
duces good. 

Fecardent:  ''In  Haman  thou  perceivest  how 
blind  and  erring  is  the  temper  of  every  ambi- 
tious man.  He  admires  and  regards  only  him- 
self; he  fancies  himself  worthy  of  all  honor  and 
reverence,  and  thinks  that  all  things  are  due  to 
him.  He  despises  all  others  as  obscure,  abject 
and  vile.  It  is  well,  however,  that  there  is  a  God 
in  heaven  who  laughs  to  scorn,  contemns,  judges 
and  hurls  down  the  proud  from  their  seats,  but 
glorifies  the  humble  :  so  that  all  may  learn  to  be 
wise  concerning  themselves,   and  to   be   content 

with  moderate  fortune Let  all  the  pious 

therefore  take  courage,  nor  ever  fail  or  despair 
of  divine  help  on  account  of  the  rage  and  greatest 
power  or  violence  of  tyrants.  For  Christ  still 
lives ;  He  reigns,  and  will  forever  reign ;  and 
He  puts  all  His  enemies  under  His  feet." 

Starke:  "Prioces  should  have  diligent  care 
that  none  who  have  deserved  well  of  the  State 
or  of  themselves  are  left  to  go  unrewarded  (Gen. 
xli.  42;  Dan.  ii.  48).  God  knows  our  acts  of 
kindness;  and  though  we  may  regard  them  as 
lost  or  ignored,  yet  He  can  bring  them  to  the 
light  at  the  proper  time  to  receive  even  a  greater 
reward  than  if  they  had  been  immediately  re- 
warded (Gen.  xli.  12  sq.,  39sqq.)." 

Ver.  6  sq.  Feuardent:  "Diligently  weigh 
the  change  of  the  right  hand  of  the  Most  High. 
Haman  had  come  into  the  court  in  order  that 
by  authority  of  the  king  he  might  destroy  Mor- 
decai by  an  ignominious  death.  Him,  however, 
he  is  compelled  to  exhibit  and  proclaim  to  all  in 
royal  magnificence.  He  had  come  for  the  pur- 
pose of  raising  him  aloft  fastened  upon  a  very 
high  cross  with  the  utmost  Bhame.  But  on  the 
contrary  he  is  compelled  to  adorn  this  very  man 
with  reg  d  splendors,  to  set  him  on  the  king's 
horse,  and  to  herald  him  publicly  as  the  mon- 
arch's most  dear  and  honored  friend.  He  had 
come  with  the  design  of  bringing  a  capital  charge 
against  him;  and  he  has  the  task  of  decorating 
his  head  with  the  royal  diadem." 

It  seems  to  us  to  be  like  a  divine  irony  in  the 
destiny  of  Haman  that  he  is  himself  compelled 
to  assign  the  highest  distinction  to  his  mortal 
enemy,  and  that  the  king  instructs  him  lo  im- 
part this  honor  with  his  own  hands,  thus  making 
his  downfall  the  more  striking  and  lamentable. 
But  in  fact  this  same  truth  is  plainly  shown 
daily  over  the  entire  ungodly  world.  The  world 
must  ever  concede  honor  and  glory  to  those  who 
have  deserved  well  respecting  the  welfare  of 
mankind ;  but  it  is  by  no  means  its  heroes  and 
divinities  who  can  claim  this  merit,  though  they 
have  been  regarded  as  the  men  of  glory  from 
antiquity  (Gen.  xi.  4).*  What  the  latter  have 
accomplished  has  been  deception,  wars  and  vain 
labors.  It  is  those  whom  the  world  regards 
least  of  all  fit  for  their  work  that  have  done  most 
for  it.     And   whose   will   be  all   that   the  world 


*  According  to  Thiersch  (Ueber  den  chtristKchm  Staat, 
p.  209),  Napoleon  maintained  that  a  prince  who  followed 
his  conscience  would  be  a  good  and  noble  governor, 
but  not  a  great  man. 


76 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


has  brought  forth  and  fostered,  and  which  it 
regards  as  great  and  beautiful?  When  the 
judgments  of  God  shall  have  been  consum- 
mated upon  the  world,  lambs  will  pasture  upon 
it  as  if  upon  their  own  pasture,  and  the  waste 
places  of  the  fat  ones  shall  strangers  eat  (Isa. 
v.  17). 

Vers.  12-14.  1.  When  Haman  had  bestowed 
the  highest  dignity  on  Mordecai,  he  hastened 
home,  sad  and  with  covered  countenance.  It  is 
a  bad  sign  that  he  knew  nothing  better  to  do  in 
such  an  hour.  Those  are  upon  difficult  paths 
who  feel  themselves  humbled  when  they  have 
been  obliged  to  show  deserved  honor  to  others. 
Even  in  the  estimation  of  the  world  it  would 
have  been  far  better  if  he  had  endeavored  to 
change  his  enemy  into  a  friend.  And  had  he 
but  reflected  and  correctly  apprehended  his  pre- 
sent position,  he  would  have  recognized  the 
warning  voice  of  God,  which  endeavored  in  a 
firm,  but  yet  kind  tone  to  lead  him  in  the  way 
of  his  salvation.  The  final  judgments  of  God 
are  ever  preceded  by  other  heralds.  They  are 
indeed  the  announcement  of  the  beginning  of 
the  revelations  of  the  wrath  of  God;  but  they 
are  also  proofs  of  the  long-suffering  and  love  of 
God,  which  would,  even  in  the  eleventh  hour  lead 
to  salvation.  But  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that 
when  the  worldly  need  their  wisdom  most,  espe- 
cially they  who  have  usually  been  regarded  as 
wise,  just  then  they  are  utterly  bereft  of  coun- 
sel; and  hence  their  proud  and  stubborn  hearts 
all  at  once  become  faint. 

Feuabdent:  "In  prosperity  he  is  highly  in- 
solent and  cruel;  but  in  adversity  he  is  so 
broken  and  dejected  that  he  knows  not  which 
way  to  turn."  But  his  counsellors  are  no  better 
off  than  himself.  Ff.oardent:  "  His  friends  do 
not  console  him,  nor  show  him  any  plan  for 
escaping  his  danger,  which  nevertheless  was 
then  the  most  needful  help  for  Haman  :  but  they 
throw  him,  just  hesitating  between  hope  and 
fear,  into  despair.  '  Thou  wilt  surely  fall  in 
his  sight,'  say  they.  Had  they  admonished  him 
indeed  of  his  many  and  heinous  sins  toward  God 
and  His  servants,  of  his  duty  of  recognizing  the 
inevitable  judgment  of  God,  of  repentance,  of 


reconciliation;  then  perchance  it  may  have 
turned  out  better  with  him."  —  When  our  author 
permits  these  advisers  to  give  expression  of  the 
superiority  of  the  people  of  God,  their  words  are 
much  more  to  the  point  and  weighty,  as  Fed- 
ardent  says:  "The  power  and  efficacy  of 
truth  is  so  great  that  even  its  enemies  and  all 
the  ungodly  bear  testimony  to  it.  So  the  magi- 
cians of  Pharaoh  are  compelled  to  explain : 
'This  is  the  finger  of  God;'  and  the  Egyptians 
cry :  '  Let  us  flee  before  Israel,  for  the  Lord 
fighteth  for  them'  (Ex.  viii.  19;   xix.  25)." 

2.  What  Haman  fears,  and  what  is  hinted  at 
by  his  advisers,  is  the  great  truth  that  the  Lord 
had  laid  a  stone  in  Zion.  upon  which  those  fall- 
ing upon  it  shall  be  broken.  But  it  is  just  those 
that  have  placed  themselves  upon  this  stone, 
who  are  secure  against  all  assaults  by  the  world. 
And  what  the  world  daily  and  clearly  demon- 
strates is  the  fact  that  it  is  not  enough  to  recog- 
nize or  apprehend  the  truth  ;  but  it  is  necessary 
also  to  give  the  heart  a  proper  position  with 
respect  to  it.  Happy  are  they  who  need  not 
fear,  but  who  can  console  their  hearts  when 
the  Lord  says:  "I  will  bless  them  that  bless 
thee,  and  curse  them  that  curse  thee;''  "Touch 
not  mine  anointed,  and  do  my  prophets  no 
jharm"  (Ps.  cv.  15);  "He  who  toucheth  you, 
toucheth  the  apple  of  his  eye"  (Zech.  ii.  8). 

Starke:  "Self-conceit,  obstinacy  and  selfish- 
ness are  three  shameful  and  harmful  evils  that 
have  plunged  many  into  ruin  (1  Tim.  vi.  9). 
Wordly  persons  seek  their  highest  good  in  ex- 
ternal pomp  and  appearance  (Ps.  xlix.  12). — 
Self-love  appropriates  all  things  to  itself,  and 
concedes  nothing  to  its  neighbor. — Men  seek 
perishable  honor;  would  that  they  strove  dili- 
gently after  the  imperishable  honor  and  glory 
of  heaven! — The  manner  of  wicked  advisers  is, 
when  the  haughty  fare  too  well,  to  goad  them  on 
to  vindictiveness;  but  if  something  unforeseen 
checks  them,  they  drive  them  to  despair. — God 
is  the  same  always;  He  can  bring  it  about  that 
neither  earth  nor  hell  can  prevail  against  us. — 
The  wicked  are  nearest  destruction  when  they 
deem  themselves  farthest  from  it  (Ps.  lxxiii.  7, 
18,  19)." 


B— ON   THE   VERY   GALLOWS   CAUSED   TO    BE    ERECTED    FOR    MORDECAI,    HAMAN, 
ACCUSED  BY  ESTHER,  IS  HIMSELF  HUNG. 

Chapter  VII.  1-10. 

I.  Esther  pleads  for  her  People,  and  accuses  Haman.  Vers.  1-6. 

1  So  [And]  the  king  and  Haman  came  to  banquet  [drink]  with  Esther  the  queen. 

2  And  the  king  said  again  [also]  unto  Esther,  on  the  second  day,  at  the  banquet 
[feast]  of  wine,  What  is  thy  petition,  queen  Esther?  [asfc,]  and  it  shall  be  granted 
[given  to]  thee:  and  what  is  thy  request?  and  it  shall  be  performed,  even  to  the 

3  half  of  the  kingdom  [ask  to  behalf  of  the  kingdom,  and  it  shall  be  done].     Then 


CHAP.  VII.  1-10. 


77 


[And]  Esther  the  queen  answered  and  said,  If  I   have  found   favor  in  thy  sight 
[eyes],  O  king,  and  if  it  please  [be  good  upon]  the  king,  let  my  life  [soul]  he  given 

4  me  at  my  petition,  and  my  people  at  my  request :  For  we  are  sold,  I  and  my  peo- 
ple, to  be  destroyed  [for  one  to  destroy],  to  be  slain  [to  smite],  and  to  perish  [cause 
to  perish]  :  but  if  [and  provided]  we  had  been  sold  for  bondmen  and  bondwomen, 
I  had  held  my  tongue  [hushed],  although  [for]  the  enemy  [adversary]  could  not 

5  countervail  [is  not  equalling]  the  king's  damage.  Then  [And]  the  king  Ahasu- 
erus  answered  [said],1  and  said  unto  Esther  the  queen,  Who  is  he  [is  he  this],  and 
where  is  he  [is  this  he]2,  that  durst  presume  in  his  heart  [whose  heart  has  filled 

6  him]  to  do  so  ?  And  Esther  said,  The  [a  man]3  adversary  and  enemy  is  this 
wicked  Hainan.*  Then  [And]  Hainan  was  afraid  [terrified]  before  the  king  and 
the  queen. 


II.   Ahasuerus,  extremely  enraged,  causes  the  Death  of  Haman.    Vers. 


-10. 


7  And  the  king,  arising  [arose]  from  the  banquet  of  wine  in  his  wrath,  went  into 
the  palace-garden :  and  Hainan  stood  up  to  make  request  for  his  life  [soul]  to 
[from]  Esther  the  queen ;  for  he  saw  that  there  was  evil   determined   [finished] 

8  against  him  by  [from  with]  the  king.  Then  [And]  the  king  returned  out  of  the 
palace-garden  into  the  place  of  the  banquet  [feast]  of  wine;  and  Hainan  was  fallen 
[falling]  upon  the  bed  whereon  Esther  was.  Then  said  the  king,  Will  he  [Is  it  to] 
force  the  queen  also  before  [with]  me  in  the  house?     As  the  word  went  out  of  the 

9  king's  mouth,  [and]  they  covered  Hainan's  face.  And  Harbonah,  one  of  the 
chamberlains  [eunuchs],  said  before  the  king,  Behold  also,  the  gallows  [tree]  fifty 
cubits  high,5  which  Hamau  had  made  for  Mordecai,  who  had  spoken  [spoke]  good 
for  [upon]  the  king  staudeth    in  the  house  of  Haman.     Then   [And]   the    king 

10  said,  Hang  him  thereon.  So  [And]  they  hanged  Haman  on  the  gallows  [tree] 
that  he  had  prepared  for  Mordecai.  Then  [And]  was  the  king's  wrath  pacified 
[subsided]. 


TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  5.  The  Chaldaizing  influence  upon  the  language  is  evident  in  this  vague  repetition  of  the  verb  lOS, 
which  eventually  led  to  its  use  in  the  sense  of  commanding. — Tr.J 

2  [Ver.  5.  The  pron.  X1H  here  very  nearly  approaches  a  copula. — Tr.] 

s  IVer.  6.  CTH  here  is  more  than  the  ordinary  apposition  of  class ;  it  is  almost  a  demonstrative  like  iste. 
— Tr.] 

*  I  Ver.  6.  The  original  is  very  intense  :  Haman,  this  bad  man.    Doubtless  her  finger  pointed  to  him.— Tr.J 
5  [Ver.  9.  The  position  of  this  clause  in  the  original  is  more  striking,  being  at  the  end  of  the  sentence. 
Tr.] 

fers:  "my  people"  means  in  short:  for  the  life 
of  my  people.  She  bases  -her  petition  in  ver.  4 
on  the  words:  For  we  are  sold,  I  and  my 
people,  to  be  destroyed,  etc — She  lias  all 
the  more  occasion  for  the  expression  1J">33J 
since  she  and  her  people  were  left  to  the  mercy 
of  Haman  for  the  sum  of  money  he  had  promised 
the  king  if  the  Jews  should  be  destroyed  (chap. 

iii.  9;  iv.  7).  l"DUTy)  and  the  following  active 
infinilives  are  clearly  substitutes  for  the  passive 
form,  precisely  as  in  the  royal  order  (chap.  iii. 
13).*  She  also  adds,  however:  But  if  we  had 
been  sold  for  bondmen  and  bondwomen, 
I  had  held  my  tongue,  although  the  ene- 
my could  not  countervail  the  king's 
damage,  and  she  thereby  indicates  that  it  con- 
cerns  not   only  her   own,   but   also    the    king's 

interest.  ?7K,  contracted  from  V70X,  as  in  Eccl. 
vi.  6,  also  common    in   the   Aramaic    language, 

*  ["Esther  here  quotes  the  exact  words  of  the  edict 
issued  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews.  Thus  the  king 
would  not  fail  to  understand  her,  and  to  (earn  for  tl'<- 
first  time  that  his  favorite  was  a  Jewess."  Rawlinson. 
-Tr.J 


EXEGETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-6.  What  here  follows  seems  a  thing 
to  be  expected  as  a  matter  of  course,  yet  the 
manner  of  its  occurrence,  particularly  the  rapi- 
dity with  which  events  succeed  each  other,  as 
well  as  their  magnitude  and  importance,  imparts 
a  certain  charm  to  the  narrative.  Esther  now 
steps  unreservedly  forward  at  the  banquet  that 
she  has  prepared  and  to  which  she  has  invited 
Haman  (in  chap.  vi.  14),  and  boldly  presents 
her  accusation  and  request.  The  king  is  quite 
prepared  to  give  a  correct  decision  in  the  case. 

Ver.  1.  So  the  king  and  Haman  came  to 

banquet  with  Esther  the  queen. — niflBO 

stands  for:  in  order  to  participate  in  the  nJTO"3_ 
The  drinking  after  the  feast,  !"H  nHDO  (comp. 
chap.  v.  6)  was  probably  regarded  as  the  chief 
matter  at  the  lime.  But  Esther  petitioned  (ver. 
3):  let  my  life  be  given  at  my  petition, 
and  my  people  at  my  request. — The  3  is 
the  so-called  3  prelii  "about, "  "for."  Her 
petition  is  seemingly  the  ransom  which  she  prof- 


78 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


introduces  an  event  in  a  hypothetical  manner  as 
being  more  desirable,  and  is  followed  by  the 
perfect,  if  instead  another  event  than  the  one 
anticipated  has  occurred.  In  the  next  sentence 
usually  the  perfect  follows  with  1  consec.  Here, 
however,  the  1  is  absent  because  Esther  does 
not  desire  to  say  what  she  would  do,  but  what 
she  would  have  done:  "I  had  held  my  tongue, 
although,"  etc.  The  sentence:  T\\p  ISH  |'K  "3 
means  according  to  R.  Sal.  hen-Melech  and 
Rambach :  The  enemy  can  by  no  means  equal, 
compensate  or  make  good  by  his  money  the  loss 
which  the  king  suffers  by  our  destruction 
Similar  also  are  the  views  of  Clericus  and  others, 
who  suggest  an  intermediate  thought  enlarging 
the  meaning,  such  as:  "But  I  dare  not  be 
silent."  Though  even  such  an  addition  were  in 
itself  not  doubtful,  still   nii^   in   the  Kal,   with 

TT 

3,  does  not  mean  compensare  (to  compensate), 
but  to  be  equal  to,  or  to  be  worth  as  much  as 
some  other  thing  (comp.  Prov,  iii.  15;  viii.  11). 
The  assumption  of  Gesenius,  that  the  expres- 
sion: "The  enemy  is  not  equal  to  the  damage 
to  the  king,"  is  only  another  form  of  sentence  for: 
"The  enemy  cannot  make  good  the  damage  to  the 
king,"  is  very  improbable.  Hence  Bertheau  and 
Keil  interpret  it:  "The  enemy  is  not  worthy  of 
the  king's  damage,"  »'.  e.  is  not  of  sufficient  account 
that  I  should  grieve  or  distract  the  king.  They 
insist  that  DM  does  not  only  mean  pecuniary  loss, 
as  is  commonly  assumed  from  Ezra  iv.  13,  22, 
but  according  to  the  Targums  means  also  bodily 
harm  (comp.  Targ.  Ps.  xci.  7;  Gen.  xxvi.  11; 
1  Chron.  xvi.  22).  Still  the  thought  thus  gained 
is  not  quite  satisfactory.  It  would  have  mat- 
tered little,  not  whether  Haman,  but  whether 
the  Jews  were  worthy  of  the  king's  displeasure. 
Certain  it  is  that  Esther  expressed  herself  in 
very  brief  words,  and  such  as  implied  more. 
Perhaps  we  may  enlarge  their  sense  thus:  I 
would  have  held  my  tongue;  for  the  punishment 
of  the  enemy  is  not  worthy  of,  is  less  important 
than  the  averting  of  the  damage  which  the  king 
will  suffer,  now  that  the  Jews  are  ordered  to  be 
destroyed ;  but  this  he  would  not  have  suffered 
if  they  had  been  sold  as  slaves,  and  hence  had 
realized  a  large  sum.  In  this  way  the  chief 
thought  is  made  to  be  the  loss  which  the  king 
would  sustain  if  a  whole  people  were  destroyed  ; 
and  Esther's  keeping  out  of  sight  her  special 
concern  about  the  destruction  of  the  Jews,  which 
would  have  been  very  shrewd  in  her  under  any 
circumstances,  becomes  particularly  so  in  the 
present  instance  and  before  Ahasuerus.  The 
ancient  translators,  it  seems,  were  at  a  loss  here, 
and  hence  offer  us  but  little  help. 

Ver.  5  with  its  twice-repeated  ipX'l:  Then 
the  king  Ahasuerus  answered,  and  said 
unto  Esther  the  queen,  by  its  solemn  title: 
"The  king  to  the  queen,"  indicates  the  great 
importance  of  these  words  and  of  the  moment. 
The  king  of  the  great  empire  here  addressed 
her,  who  was  a  daughter  of  her  people,  but  also 
the  queen  in  this  great  realm.  At  the  same  time 
the  twice-repeated:  "he  said,"  reveals  the  agi- 
tation of  the  king,  to  which  also  corresponds  the 
double  question:  Who  and   ■where   is   he? 

13S  ixSo  ItyN:  that  durst  presume  in  his 


heart  to  do  so.— We  might  expect  it  to  read  : 
"  Who  had  filled  his  heart,"  viz.  with  the  thought 
to  do  so.  But  it  is  the  heart  from  which  proceed 
the  thoughts,  and  which  determines  the  rest  of 
the  man  to  conclusive  purposes  (Isaiah  xliv.  20; 
Eccl.  viii.  11;   Matt.  xv.  19).* 

Ver.  G.  Esther  still  hesitates  to  name  Haman, 
but  at  last  brings  the  predicate  into  prominence: 
The  adversary  and  enemy  is  this  wicked 
Haman. — She  does  not  say:  "The  evil-disposed 
person,"  viz.  of  whom  she  is  speaking,  but  with- 
out the  article,  *\X  Ef'K,  in  order  to  make  as 
strikingly  prominent  as  possible  the  conception 
of  the  man  so  inimical.  Haman  trembled;  for 
flg3J  means  more  than  that  he  was  simply 
alarmed  (comp.  1  Chron.  xxi.  30;  Dan.  viii.  17, 
aud   0,rvu>3,  Ps.  lxxxviii.  17;  Job  vi.  4). 

Vers.  7-10.  Thereupon  the  king  became  at  once 
terribly  angry.  Because  of  his  agitation  he 
went  aside  for  a  moment,  but  soon  returned,  and 
at  once  gave  order  for  the  execution  of  Haman. 
— Into  the  palace-garden  (comp  chap.  i.  6), 
which  was  the  place  to  which  he  retired.  This 
is  strikingly  expressed  by  Dp.  He  did  this  in 
order  to  recover  from  the  first  burst  of  anger, 
and  to  consider  what  was  to  be  done  with  Ha- 
man.      Haman    remained    standing    to    make 

request  of  his  life  to  Esther.— lU/p:-1?^,  pro- 
perly, "because  of  his  life"  (Iffp3  with  "7,}?,  as 
in  chap.  iv.  8),  since  he  saw  that  on  the  part  of 
the  king  there  was  no  more  hope  for  him  if 
Esther  would  not  intercede  for  him;  strictly: 
that  evil  was  determined  against  him  by 

the  king,    fully  determined  (TT)3   as  in  1  Sam. 

V         TT 

xxv.  17;    Ezra  v.  13). 

Ver.  8.   'Was  fallen,  i.  e.  had  kneeled  down 

H3J  as  in  Josh.  vii.  10  and  elsewhere)  upon 
the  bed  whereon  Esther  was  (sat),  hence 
as  a  petitioner  he  fell  at  her  feet  f  The  king, 
however,  soon  returned  and  said — ^ince  he  could 
not  control  his  anger,  but  now -manifested  it 
more  terribly:  'Will  he  force  the  queen 
also  before  me  in  the  house  ? — The   iutin. 

$1337  is  here  placed,  as  if  he  were  understood 
as  asking  a  question.  But  it  may  also  be  made 
stronger  (comp.  1  Chron.  xv.  2,  etc.),  viz.  to 
trample  under  foot,  to  subjugate.  If  the  ques- 
tion had  only  been  whether  the  queen  could  be 
forced  sexually,  then  Ahasuerus  could  not  have 
asked  such  a  question  so  lightly.  It  would  only 
have  been  an  expression  of  his  highest  displea- 
sure aud  wrath.  If  Esther  were  honest  and 
just,  she  must  of  necessity  have  exonerated 
Haman  from  such  an  evil  design.  The  whole 
situation  of  things  makes  such  a  foul  purpose 
highly  improbable,  indeed  impossible.  Or  per- 
haps Ahasuerus  was  only  asking  whether,  if  one 
would  attain  anything  from   the   queen,   it  was 

*  ["  Ahasuerus  could  not  really  have  doubted ;  but 
he  affects  to  doubt,  that  he  may  express  his  anger  at 
the  act,  apart  from  all  personal  considerations."  Raw- 
linson. — Tr.] 

t  ["  Like  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  the  Persians  re- 
clined at  their  meals  on  sof;is  or  conches  (Herod,  ix. 
80.  82;  Xenoph.  C'yrop.  VIII.  S,  16,  etc.").  Rawlinsun. 
-Te.J 


CHAP.   VIII.   1-10. 


79 


necessary  to  make  request  with  such  force.* 
We  can  readily  think  that  Esther  sought  to 
withdraw  from  Hainan,  but  that  he,  as  it  were, 
forcibly  detained  her.  The  word  of  which  it  is 
now  said:  As  the  word  'went  out  of  the 
king's  mouth,  they  covered  Hainan's  face, 
cannot  mean  (lie  question  that  just  preceded. 
Then  it  would  be  "  this  word;"  but  this  is  ano- 
ther word.  We  may  consider  that,  this  word, 
possibly  with  a  little  addiiion,  quite  intelligible 
to  the  officers,  was  to  them  a  command  to  take 
Hainan  out  of  his  sight.  The  subject  of  13n  is 
those  whose  duty  it  was  to  execute  such  com- 
mands, the  servants  of  the  king.  The  covering 
of  the  face  was  probably  the  beginning  of  the 
execution  of  the  death-sentence  (comp.  Curtius 
vi.  8,  22:  "They  brought  Pliiletas  with  covered 
head  into  the  palace ').  Even  old  interpreters, 
such  as  Brentius,  Rickel,  Feuardent,  remind  us 
of  the  sentence  in  Cicero  pro  C.  Rabirio  IV.  13: 
"  Lictor,  bind  his  hands,  veil  his  head,  hang  him 
on  the  hapless  tree."  + 

Ver.  9.  In  order  that  it  might  appear  very 
strikingly  what  our  history  here  would  teach — 
that  he  who  dug  a  pit  for  others,  especially  for 
pious  Jews,  shall  fall  into  it  himself;  or  yet 
more  definitely  that  inimical  heathendom  shall 
perish  by  its  own  devices,  it  must  be  so  ordered 
that  one  of  the  officers  shall  bring  it  about  to 
have  Haman  hung  upon  the  same  gallows  which 
he  had  caused  to  be  erected  for  Mordecai.  Aud 
in  order  to  show  how  much  hated  this  enemy  of 
the  Jews  was,  one  of  the  king's  officers  must 
point  out  this  very  tree  of  death.  This  person 
was  Harbonah,  doubtless  the  one  mentioned  in 
chap.  i.  Ill,  one  of  the  eunuchs  of  the  king,  i.  e. 
of  the  higher  officers  who  waited  on  the  king. 
The  word  DJ  with  which  he  begins:  Behold 
also,  the  gallows  fifty  cubits  high,  which 
Haman  had  made  for  Mordecai,  etc.,  may 
not  imply  that  the  other  servants  or  even  Har- 
bonah himself  had  already  brought  accusations 
against  Hainan,  and  in  addition  would  also  re- 
proach him  with  the  erection  of  this  gallows 
(Bertheau,  Keil);  but  from  Harbonah's  view, 
it  points  out  the  most  appropriate  means  at  hand 
offered  by  the  prepared  gallows  for  the 
fate  of  Haman.  This  is  more  significant 
against  Haman.  In  giving  prominence  to 
the  fact  that  Mordecai  was  the  one  who  spoke 
well  of  the  king  by  revealing  the  plot  against  the 
king's  lite  (comp.  chap.  ii.  22;  vi.  2),  he  intimates 
that  it  was  more  fit  for  Haman  to  grace  the  gal- 
lows than  the  one  for  whom  it  was  originally 
erected. 

DOCTRINAL    AND    ETHICAL. 

Vers.  lsqq.  1.  How  very  carefully  Esther  brings 
her  petition  before  the  king,  even  though  the 
king  for  the  Becond  time  has  accepted  her  invi- 
tation!    She  waits  until  the  king  himself  inquires 

*  ["Of  course  the  king  did  not  believe  his  own  words. 
But  he  meant  to  tax  Haman  with  a  further  offence  in 
not  sufficiently  respecting  the  person  of  the  queen  ; 
and  he  thereby  suggested  to  the  attendants  his  instant 
execution."  It  iwunson. — Tb.J 

t  ["The  Macedonians  and  the  Romans  are  known  to 
have  commonly  muffled  the  heads  of  prisoners  before 
executing  them;  tint  it  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere 
than  here  as  a  Persian  custom."  Kawlinson. — Tr.J 


into  it  anew,  and  until  he  has  even  obligated 
himself  to  her  to  the  half  of  his  kingdom  ;  she  so 
frames  her  speech  that  her  more  personal  inte- 
rest, which  in  the  present  instance  would  have 
been  of  paramount  importance  in  the  eyes  of  the 
king,  is  presented  equally  with,  indeed  in  ad- 
vance of,  all  others.  She  avoids  at  once  opposing 
herself  against  Haman;  and  final'y  she  seeks  to 
take  the  king  on  his  weak  side  by  giving  promi- 
nence to  the  fact  that  in  the  destruction  of  the 
Jews  the  king  would  sustain  a  great  loss.  It  was 
to  her  still  a  question  whether  Ahasuerus  would 
permit  her  to  interfere  in  the  business  of  govern- 
ment— indeed  whether  he  would  grant  her  a 
hearing  while  opposed  to  so  powerful  a  rival. 
But  she  acted  at  last  with  fear  and  trembling — 
although  she  was  assured  of  the  best  ally  aB  be- 
ing with  her — not  only  Ahasuerus,  but  also  God's 
love.  Her  petition,  moreover,  had  the  very  best 
effect.  Thus  the  Lord,  who  leads  the  hearts  of 
men  and  of  kings  like  streams  of  water,  has  His 
help  prepared  for  us,  when  we  in  our  little  faith 
stand  trembling;  and  often  where  we  hardly 
dared  hope  or  advance,  He  gives  us  the  greatest 
success.  All  depends  upon  this,  that  our  hesi- 
tation be  not  of  unbelief,  but  that  we  have  fears 
only  from  our  own  power,  capability,  or  worthi- 
ness; and  that  we  seek  not  so  much  to  promote 
our  own  cause  as  rather  God's,  and  ours  through 
Him. 

Starke:  "Trembling  soul,  if  this  heathen 
king  is  so  trustworthy  in  his  promises,  then  your 
heavenly  King  is  far  more  faithful.  The  former 
promises  only  to  give  the  half  of  his  kingdom — 
but  He  to  give  you  the  whole  kingdom  (Luke  xii. 
32;  xxii.  29).  Truth  may  be  crushed  to  the 
earth,  but  it  dies  not;  it  can  be  avoided  or  of- 
fended, yet  it  will  finally  come  to  light  and  tri- 
umph." 

2.  Haman,  from  the  very  outset,  had  moved 
toward  the  fulfilment  of  his  wishes  with  the  great- 
est assurance.  Even  after  being  inquired  of  by 
the  king  as  to  what  should  be  done  to  the  man 
whom  the  king  would  especially  honor,  he  had 
answered  with  the  greatest  confidence.  Doubt- 
less he  thought  that,  because  of  the  friendship, 
or  because  of  the  weakness  of  the  king,  all  things 
were  for  him  permissible,  and  he  hoped  every 
thing  for  himself.  Yet  if  he  had  but  reflected, 
he  must  have  acknowledged  that  this  foundation 
was  unsafe,  and  that  it  was  easy  for  another  to 
gain  the  favor  of  the  king  against  himself.  But 
this  is  the  common  curse  of  human  self-confidence 
that  it  places  us  in  a  stale  of  insecurity.  He 
who  has  succeeded  in  gaining  the  favor  of  the 
great  is  very  liable  to  think  that  now  he  will  also 
easily  govern  the  servants  of  his  Lord. 

3.  Truly  it  is  a  distressing  condilion  in  which 
Haman  finds  himself  at  the  table  of  Esther. 
Outwardly  he  receives  the  highest  distinction 
and  is  made  happy,  but  inwardly  there  already 
comes  a  painful  presentiment  of  his  downfall. 
He  is  indeed  already  bound  by  the  cord  that  Bhall 
plunge  him  into  destruction. 

Feuardent:  "But  in  all  this  the  first  notahle 
thing  is  how  far  apart  stand  the  judgments  of  the 
Almighty  and  those  of  this  world,  since  those 
whom  Ihe  world  esteems  most  happy  and  fortu- 
nate are  truly  most  unhappy  and  unfortunate  be- 
fore God Men,  indeed,  seeing  only  what 


80 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


appears,  and  judging  according  to  the  outward 
semblance,  would  have  boldly  pronounced  no 
man  more  fortunate  than  Haman.  But  in  fact 
and  in  God's  view,  who  sees  the  heart,  he  was 
of  all  men  the  most  miserable.  For  he  was  in- 
flated with  ambition,  he  was  hot  with  envy,  he 
was  bursting  with  hate,  and  went  to  the  banquet 
in  the  most  disturbed  state  of  mind.  There 
rankled  in  the  bottom  of  his  heart  the  thought 
of  that  fresh  honor  which  he  had  lately  been 
forced  to  confer  upon  his  enemy;  and  he  was 
moreover  goaded  to  desperation  by  what  his 
friends  had  told  him  to  his  face — that  he  him- 
self, having  once  begun  to  fall  before  the  Jew, 
would  forever  be  his  inferior,  and  that  Mordecai 
would  increase  in  glory  and  honor." 

Haman,  at  the  table  of  Esther,  is  but  a  picture 
of  all  wicked  ones  at  the  table  of  fortune.  The 
change  of  circumstances  now  manifest,  it  is  true, 
was  unique,  and  seemed  as  if  purposely  selected 
for  him. — Feuardent:  "A  little  while  ago  all 
fell  prostrate  before  Haman,  but  now  he  quails 
before  a  feeble  woman.  He  who  persecuted  the 
Jews  worse  than  a  dog  or  a  serpent,  now  tie- 
comes  a  suppliant  to  a  Jewess.  He  who  had 
procured  a  cruel  slaughter  for  all  the  Hebrews 
is  now  anxious  to  save  his  own  life.  He  who 
could  not  endure  Mordecai  now  intercedes  with 
his  domestic."  The  old  reverse  substantially 
recurs:  "At  the  feast  he  who  was  unwilling  to 
atford  a  crumb  of  bread  to  Lazarus,  asked  to  be 
cooled  by  the  finger  of  Lazarus  dipped  in  water." 
This  change  will  be  most  striking  when  Christ 
shall  lay  all  His  enemies  at  His  feet. 

On  ver.  8.  1.  The  only  means  left  to  Haman 
to  be  tried  for  his  salvation  evidently  was  that  he 
should  fall  at  the  feet  of  Esther  and  implore  her 
pardon.  But  it  was  just  this  which  Ahasuerus, 
now  returning  from  the  garden,  interpreted  as  a 
great  crime,  and  so  it  filled  the  measure  of  his  I 
sin.  When  once  the  season  of  divine  grace  and 
forbearance  allotted  to  sinners  is  closed,  when 
punitive  justice  arises  against  them,  then  it  seems 
as  if  they  can  undertake  nothing  but  what  will 
aggravate  their  case  and  hasten  their  own  de- 
struction. As  Ahasuerus  did  in  this  case,  so  did 
all  those  who  stood  by  the  side  of  Haman  and 
had  given  him  their  confidence.  Now  that  he  is 
so  near  his  downfall,  these  are  inclined  to  use 
every  thing  against  the  offender  by  which  he 
might  obtain  deliverance.  They  know  him  too 
well  to  be  ignorant  of  the  tricks  and  deceptions 
of  which  he  is  capable.  Petitions  for  pardon — 
and  even  repentance — is  in  such  cases  often 
thought  to  be  only  the  repentance  of  Cain,  afford- 
ing no  guarantee  of  genuine  reform.  Possibly 
these  judges  go  too  far  in  their  sentence,  but 
God's  justice  employs  them  as  channels  against 
the  offenders. 

Feuardent:  "The  king  indeed  is  unjust  in 
fixing  this  calumny  upon  Haman — but  God  is 
just  who  permits  the  righteous  penalty  to  fall 
upon  him  for  his  lies  and  calumnies,  inasmuch  as 
he  would  have  brought  violence  upon  other  vir- 
gins or  matrons,  and  would  have  plunged  the 
whole  people  of  God  into  ruin.  Accordingly  it 
is  written:  "By  what  one  sinneth,  by  that  also 
shall  he  be  punished;"  and  again:  "With  what 
measure  ye  mete,  it  shall  be  measured  unto  you 
again." 


2.  The  question  raised  by  ancient  interpreter.- 
whether  it  was  not  the  duty  of  Esther  to  exone- 
rate Haman  from  the  accusation  by  the  king,  and 
to  second  his  request  for  pardon,  can  only  be  sa- 
tisfactorily answered  by  making  the  proper  dis- 
tinction between  the  views  of  such  points  in  the 
Old  and  in  the  New  Testaments.  Upon  New  Testa- 
ment grounds,  the  answer  would  undoubtedly  be 
in  the  affirmative.  It  is  no  greater  offence  than 
one  which  the  Christian,  though  he  have  suffered 
the  most  grievous  insults  and  offensive  acts,  should 
be  prepared  to  pardon,  in  a  spirit  free  from  ha- 
tred or  revenge.  Now  whether  the  king,  here 
acting  in  his  judicial  capacity,  could  entertain 
her  request,  would  have  been  a  different  matter. 
Taking,  however,  the  Old  Testament  view,  the 
answer  would  most  certainly  be,  No;  and  this  the 
more,  inasmuch  as  there  was  not  yet  a  more  sa- 
tisfactory means  of  averting  evil  than  the  de- 
structive judgments  of  God  upon  Haman,  who,  as 
an  Agagite  and  an  Amalekite,  was  regarded  as 
representing  the  cause  of  evil  in  opposition  to 
the  cause  of  God  and  of  His  people  (eonip.  Doct. 
hist,  thoughts  on  Neh.  iii.  36sqq.).  Further,  in 
Esther's  conduct  is  plainly  shown  the  important 
fact  that,  when  the  season  of  grace  is  expired, 
Justice  desires  no  interruption  through  petitions 
for  mercy.  This  truth  must  be  taken  to  heart, 
and  we  must  not  bewail  its  force  When  Chris- 
tians see  the  wicked  perish,  let  them  weep  over 
their  fate.  But  we  must  rejoice  over  the  divine 
judgments  upon  iniquity.  This  serves  to  ' 
strengthen  our  faith  in  a  holy,  ever  active  God. 
Our  own  opposition  to  iniquity  must  be  as  unre- 
lenting as  was  that  of  Esther  against  Haman. 

Starke:  "It  is  barely  credible  that  the  king 
should  have  thought  further  upon  this  matter — 
have  perceived  the  wonderful  dealings  of  God. 
Neither  can  we  believe  that  he  was  thereby  led 
to  know  the  true  God.  Esther,  however,  and 
Mordecai,  together  with  many  of  the  Jews,  must 
have  been  gloriously  strengthened  in  their  faith. 
Jehovah's  judgments  are  just  (Rev.  xix.  2). 
Let  the  Christian  here  notice  the  goodness  and 
truthfulness  of  God  (Rom.  xi.  22),  and  let  both 
be  to  him  a  warning  voice!" 

On  vers.  9,  10.  Bitter  and  sarcastic  must  it 
have  struck  upon  the  ears  of  Haman  when  Har- 
bonah,  one  of  the  eunuchs,  who  up  to  this  lime 
had  humbly  shown  him  all  desired  honor,  re- 
marked, now  that  the  doomed  mm  was  led  away: 
"  Behold  also,  the  gallows  fifty  cubits  high,  which 
Haman  had  made  for  Mordecai,  who  had  spoken 
good  for  the  king,  standeth  in  the  house  of  Ha- 
man." Must  it  then  be  that  this  despicable  crea- 
ture should  raise  his  foot  against  the  dead  lion  ? 
See  how  in  this  moment  he  turns  toward  the 
newly  rising  sun  with  praises  in  his  mouth! 
Must  this  miserable  slave  also  add  to  the  already 
great  misfortune  of  Haman — that  he  should  be 
hung  on  just  this  gallows  which  he  had  intended 
for  the  Jews!  Poor  Haman!  Didst  thou  not 
know  that  in  Buch  ways  as  were  thine  thou  hadst 
no  really  true  friend?  Didst  thou  not  perceive 
that  a  selfish  Bpirit  and  hypocrisy  formed  thy 
body  guard?  Not  know  that  those  who  exter- 
nally bowed  the  knee  to  thee,  inwardly  gnashed 
their  teeth  against  thee?  True  friendship  and 
fellowship  can  only  exist  between  those  who  are 
together  united  to  God.     Even  then  we  may  of- 


criAr.  viii.  1-17. 


81 


ten  discover  the  overweening  egotism  which 
again  loosens  such  bonds.  Where  this  common 
bond  is  wanting,  there  separation  must  ensue; 
there,  in  fact,  each  goes  his  own  way.  If  in 
such  a  case  all  the  secret  endeavors  and  aims 
could  be  exposed,  we  would  discover  a  "war  of 
all  against  all."  It  is  frequently  seen  that  ap- 
parent friends  afterward  become  executioners, 
who,  by  their  mockery,  add  to  the  misery  of 
the  culprit.  In  the  future  also  it  will  be  found 
that  the  enemies  of  the  people  of  God  will  them- 
selves destroy  each  other  in  order  that  judgment 
on  them  may  be  perfect,  There  is  a  universal 
just  government  of  the  world  on  the  part  of  God. 
He  who  is  capable  of  so  shameful  an  act  as  not 
only  to  wish  to  destroy  his  enemy,  but  also  to 
cover  him  with  the  greatest  possible  ignominy, 
must  not  be  surprised  if  in  his  own  well  deserved 
misfortune  great  shame  shall  also  accompany  his 


own  end.  Whoever  digs  a  pit  for  others,  will 
himself  fall  into  it.  This  proverb  verifies  itself 
in  its  fullest  sense.  It  has  the  ring  of  Satanic 
mockery  when  Harbonah  says:  "And  the  gallows 
also  stand  ready,  and  that,  too,  before  Hainan's 
own  house."  There  are  many  people  who  hesi- 
tate not  to  utter  it  mockingly,  and  how  good  were 
it  for  all  those  who  are  in  danger  of  entering  the 
way  of  destruction,  should  tliey  heur  it  said  loud 
enough  for  them  to  hear,  and  should  they  repeat 
it  to  themselves:  "Also  the  gallows  stand  ready 
without." 

Starke:  "It  must  also  so  happen  in  the  just 
judgment  of  God  that  since  the  highest  minister 
of  State  had  caused  the  highest  gallows  to  be 
erected  in  accordance  with  his  greatness  of  feel- 
ing and  State  position  and  honors,  before  which 
all  bowed  in  adoration  to  the  earth,  he  should 
himself  be  elevated  above  all  other  people  that 
were  hung." 


SECOND    SECTION. 

The    Deliverance    of    the    Jews. 
Chapters  VIII.  IX. 


A.— ESTHER  AND   MORDECAI  PROCURE  PERMISSION  FOR  THEIR  PEOPLE  TO  STAN1; 

ON  THEIR  OWN  DEFENCE. 

Chap.   VIII.   1-17. 

I.  Esther  and  Mordecai  receive  authority  to  order  all  things  needful  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Jews. 

Vers.  1-8. 

1  On  that  day  did  the  king  Ahasuerus  give  the  house  of  Haman,  the  Jews'  enemy, 
unto  Esther  the  queen:  and  Mordecai  came  before  the  king;  for  Esther  had  told 

2  what  he  was  unto  her.  And  the  king  took  [removed]  off  his  ring  [signet],  which 
he  had  taken  [caused  to  pass]  from  Haman,  and  gave  it  unto  Mordecai.     And  Es- 

3  ther  set  Mordecai  over  the  house  of  Haman.  And  Esther  spake  yet  again  [added 
and  spoke]  before  the  king,  and  fell  down  at  [before]  his  feet,  and  besought  him 
■with  tears  [wept  and  supplicated  to  him]  to  put  away  [cause  to  pass]  the  mischief 
[evil]  of  Haman  the  Agagite,  and  his  device  that  he  had  devised  against  the  Jews. 

4  Then  [And]  the  king  held  out  the  golden  sceptre  toward  [to]  Esther.     So  [And] 

5  Esther  arose,  and  stood  before  the  king,  And  said,  If  it  please  [be  good  upon]  the 
king,  and  if  I  have  found'favor  in  his  sight  [before  him],  and  the  thing  [word]  seem 
right  before  the  king,  and  I  be  pleasing  [good]  in  his  eyes,  let  it  be  written  to  re- 
verse the  letters  [books]  devised  by  [of  the  devising  of  ]  Haman  the  son  of  Ham- 
medatha  [the  Medatha]   the  Agagite,  which  he  wrote  to  destroy  the  Jews  which 

6  [who]  are  in  all  the  king's  provinces  :  For  how  can  I  endure  to  see  [and  (i.  e.,  when ) 
I  see  (i.  e.,  look)  on]  the  evil  that  shall  come  unto  my  people  [my  people  shall  find]? 
or  [and]  how  can  I  endure  to  see  [and  (i.e.,  when)  I  see  (t.  e.,  look)  on]  the  destruc- 

7  tion  of  my  kindred  ?  Then  [And]  the  king  Ahasuerus  said  unto  Esther  the 
queen,  and  to  Mordecai  the  Jew,  Behold,  I  have  given  Esther  the  house  of  Hainan, 
and  him  they  have  hanged  upon  the  sallows  [tree],  because  [upon  that]  he  laid 

8  [sent  forth]  his  hand  upon  the  Jews.     Write  ye  also  [And  write  ye]  for  [upon]  the 


82 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


Jews,  as  it  liketh  you  [is  the  good  in  your  eyes],  in  the  king's  name,  and  seal  it  with 
the  king's  ring  [signet]  :  for  the  writing  which  is  written  in  the  king's  name,  and 
scaled  with  the  king's  ring  [signet],  may  no  man  [there  is  no  one  to]  reverse. 


II.   Mordecai  authorizes  the  Jews  to  make  preparations  for  a  common  defence.     Vers.  0-14. 

9  Then  [And]  were  the  kind's  scribes  called  at  that  time  in  the  third  month,  that  is, 
the  month  Sivan,  on  the  three  and  twentieth  [twenty]  day  thereof  [in  it]:  and  it 
was  written,  according  to  all  that  Mordecai  commanded,  unto  the  Jews,  and  to  the 
lieutenants  [satraps],  and  the  deputies  [pashas],  aud  [the]  rulers  [princes]  of  the 
provinces  which  are  from  India  [Hodu],  [and]  unto  Ethiopia  [Cush],  a  hundred 
[and]  twenty  and  seven  provinces,  unto  every  province  [province  and  (?'.  e.,  by )  pro- 
vince], according  to  the  writing  thereof,  and  unto  every  people  [people  and  (i.  e.,  by) 
people]  after  [according  to]  their  language  [tongue],  and  to  the  Jews  according  to 
their  writing,  and  according  to  their  language  [tongue].  And  he  wrote  in  the  king 
Ahasuerus'  name,  and  sealed  it  with  the  king's  ring  [signet]  ;  aod  sent  letters 
[books]  by  posts  [the  hand  of  the  runners]  on  horsebatk  [the  horses],  and  riders  on 
[of]  mules  [the  steed],  camels  [the  mules],  and  young  dromedaries  [sons  of  the 
mares] :  Wherein  [Which]  the  king  granted  [gave  to]  the  Jews  which  [who]  ivere 
in  every  city  [and  {i.e.,  by)  city]  to  gather  [congregate]  themselves  together,  and 
to  stand  for  [upon]  their  life  [soul],  to  destroy,  to  slay  [smite],  and  to  cau^e  to  pe- 
rish, all  [every]  the  power  of  the  people  and  province  ihat  would  assault  them,  both 

12  little  ones  and"  women,  and  to  take  [he  gave]  the  spoil  of  them  for  a  prey.  Upon  one 
day,  in  all  the  provinces  of  king  Ahasuerus,  namely,  upon  the  thine  nth  [thirteen] 

13  day  of  [to]  the  twelfth  [twelve]  month,  which  [that]  is  the  month  Adar.  The  copy 
of  the  writing,  for  a  commandment  [law]  to  be  given  in  every  province  [and  (i.e., 
by)  province]  was  published  [revealed]  unto  all  people  [the  peoples],  and  that  the 
Jews  should  [for  the  Jews  to]  be  ready  against  [to]  that  day  to  avenge  themselves 

14  on  [from]  their  enemies.  So  the  posts  [runners]  that  rode  upon  [riders  of]  mules 
and  camels  [the  steed]  went  out,  being  hastened  and  pressed  on  by  the  king's  com- 
mandment [word].  And  the  decree  [law]  was  given  at  [in]  Shu.-han  the  palace 
[citadel] . 


10 


11 


III. 


Vers.  15-i; 


Mordecai1 1  honor  and  the  joy  of  the  Jetcs. 

15  And  Mordecai  went  out  from  the  presence  of  [before]  the  king  in  royal  apparel  of 
blue  [violet]  and  white  [linen],  and  with  a  great  crown  of  gold,  and  with  a  garment 
[robe]  of  fine  linen  [bvssus]  and  purple:  and  the  city  of  Shu.-han  rejoiced  [shouted] 

16  and  was  glad.     The  Jews  had  [To  the  Jews  was]  light,  and  gladness,  and  joy,  and 

17  honour.  And  in  every  province  and  in  every  city  [and  ( i.  e.,  by)  city],  whitherso- 
ever [which]  the  kingrs  commandment  [word]  and  his  decree  [law]  came  [was  ap- 
proaching], the  Jews  had  [was  to  the  Jews]  joy  [gladness]  and  gladness  [joy],  a 
feast  and  a  good  dav.  And  many  of  [from]  the  people  [peoples]  of  the  land  be- 
came Jews  [Judaized  themselves]  ;  for  the  fear  of  the  Jews  fell  upon  them. 

the  Targums  understand  hy  tbe  term  "house," 
also  the  people  in  it,  and  the  eniire  possessions 
belonging  thereto.  It  was  usual  for  Persian 
kings  to  possess  themselves  of  the  properly  of 
those  who  had  been  punished  with  death  (Jose- 
plni",  Antiq.  XI.  1,  3;  4,  6).  Mordecai  came 
before  the  king,  i.  e.  he  was  made  one  of  the 
officers  who  taw  the  face  of  the  king  (comp. 
chap  i.  10,  i:  vii.  9).  He  owed  his  position, 
not  merely  to  his  merit,  a*  having  himself  been 
of  service  to  the  king,  and  now  meriting  the 
title  benefactor  of  the  king  (Hemd.  VIII.  85),  but 
because  of  his  relaiinn  to  Esther  (chap.  ii.  7). 
Indeed  the  king  took  off  his  ring  (ver.  2, 
"\S*\,  as  in  chap,  iii  10),  his  seal-ring,  which 
he'  had  taken  from  Haman,  and  gave  it 
unto  Mordecai. — P  "^i'Hi  a3  '"  >'on-  ">•  *>; 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

It  seems  almost  self-evident  after  what  occurred 
in  chap.  vii.  that  now,  next  to  Esther,  Mordecai 
should  also  come  to  great  distinction.  Whether, 
however,  they  would  be  able  fully  to  reverse  the 
fate  that  threatened  the  Jews,  remained  uncer- 
tain in  view  of  the  difficulty  of  the  situation. 
Even  after  Mordecai  had  taken  his  own  protec- 
tive measures,  up  to  the  very  hour  when  success 
was  assured,  uncertainty  continued.  In  chap, 
viii.  it  is  to  be  shown  first  what  authority  he 
received  and  what  measures  of  policy  he 
adopted. 

Vers.  1-8.  First,  Mordecai's  authoriti/.  On 
the  very  day  in  which  Haman  fell  the  king  pre- 
sented the  queen  with  his  house.     Justly  enough 


CHAP.  VIII.   1-17. 


83 


he  made  him  prime  minister  (Gen.  xli.  42;  1 
Mace.  vi.  15;  comp.  chap.  iii.  10).*  In  addition 
Esther  placed  him  over  the  house  of  Haman,  i.  e. 
left  to  him  the  honorable  and  lucrative  manage- 
ment of  the  large  estate  thus  reverting  to  her, 
in  fact  made  him  her  governor  of  the  house. 
Both  henceforth  enjoyed  a  brilliant  position; 
but  they  were  not  misled  thereby  into  evil. 
The  remarks  with  reference  to  the  present  pros- 
perity of  Esther  and  Mordecai  are  evidently 
made  with  regard  to  what  followed.  They  did 
not  take  their  ease  at  the  expense  of  the  needed 
care  over  their  people;  these  were  not  forgotten. 
On  the  contrary  they  believed  it  incumbent  upon 
them  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  make  their  peo- 
ple happy  and  prosperous.  The  mourning  of 
Esther  was  still  great;  it  did  not  cease  until 
full  deliverance  came  to  them. 

Ver.  3.  And  Esther  spake  yet  again  be- 
fore the  king,  and  fell  down  at  his  feet, 
and  besought  him  with  tears. f — She  thus 
caused  him  to  understand  distinctly  that  she 
was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  what  had  been 
done.  In  so  far  as  Esther  had  implored  him  in 
a  general  manner  to  cause  to  be  put  away,  to 
neutralize,  to  annul  p'^JH)  the  mischief 
of  Haman  (which  he  expected  to  inflict  upon 
the  Jews),  and  his  device  that  he  had  devised 
against  the  Jews  icomp.  Jer.  xviii.  11;  Ezek. 
xxxviii.  10),  the  king  showed  his  willingness  to 
comply,  and  as  in  chap.  iv.  11 ;  v.  2,  he  again 
stretched  forth  the  golden  sceptre  toward  her, 
so  that  she  could  take  courage  to  arise  and  stand 
before  him.  Still  it  was  necessary  to  find  out 
the  ways  and  means  how  the  thing  Bhould  be 
begun. 

Ver.  5.  Esther  suggested:  If  it  please  the 
king  (comp.  chap.  i.  19;  v.  4,  8;  vii.  3);  and 
further  on  feeling  the  doubtful  character  of  her 
proposition,  she  added ;  and  the  thing  seem 
right,  advisable  to  him.  12f3  =  to  succeed,  to 
accomplish,  and  in  this  sense  has  reference  to 
seed  which  has  sprouted  well  (Eccl.  xi.  6,  in  the 
Hiphil,  Eccl.  x.  10) ;  it  is  a  later  word  of  which 
elsewhere  we  only  find  the  noun  pill's  (Eccl. 
ii.  21;  iv.  4;  v.  10).  Let  it  be  written,  or 
commanded  by  an   edict,   as  in  chap.  iii.  9,  to 

reverse  the  letters  P'EfiTJ,  to  cause  to  change 
from  the  state  of  heing  to  non-existence)  de- 
vised by  Haman. — As  is  often  the  case,  here 
the  substance  of  a  letter  is  indicated  by  an  appo- 
sition, ]?r\  r>3S7np  (comp.  chap.  iii.  8  sq.  and 
12  sqq.).  But  in  order  the  more  certainly  to 
carry  through  this  doubtful  proposal,  she  adds 
in  ver.  6:  For  how  can  I  endure  to  see 
evil  that  shall  come  unto  my  people?  or 
how  can  I  endure  to  see  the  destruction 
of  my  kindred? — With  reference  to  the  con- 

•  ["  A  pleasure-seekine  Persian  king,  like  Xerxes, 
was  glad  to  be  relieved  of  the  toil  of  governing,  and 
willingly  committed  to  one  favorite  after  another  the 
task  of  issuing  and  signing  with  the  royal  signet  the 
decrees  by  which  the  government  was  administered. 
That  the  official  entrusted  with  these  high  powers 
rniaht  be  a  eunuch,  appears  from  Diodorus  (XVI.  5<>). 
Ra  wlinson.— Tr.  ] 

t  [From  the  statement  of  ver.  4  that  the  king  again 
held  out  to  her  the  golden  sceptre,  "we  must  under- 
stand that  Esther  had  once  more  intruded  on  Ahasue- 
rus  unsummoned."  Rawlixsox.— Tb.J 


nection  of  "rvJOl  70-;X,  we  may  indicate  that 
one  of  the  verbs,  instead  of  being  in  the  Infin. 
(with  7)  is  subordinate  to  the  other  as  a  finite 
verb  (with  lj,  comp.  Ewald,  \  285  c.  Still 
7D1X  X7  itself  means  :  ''  I  cannot  endure  it,"  or 
"I  will  not  be  able  to  stand  it"  (comp.  Isai.  i. 
13),  and  the  term  'jT"]X1  is  equal  to  "when  I 
shall  have  seen."  ntO  with  3  indicates  to  look 
upon  some  one  with  interest,  be  it  that  of  plea- 
sure, as  is  usual,  or  of  pain  or  sorrow,  as  is  the 
case  here;  comp.  in  this  relation  Gen.  xii.  1. 

Vers.  7,  8.  In  order  to  indicate  in  advance 
that  his  good  will  abounds  towards  Esther  and 
Mordecai,  and  that  he  would  grant  them  all  that 
the  law  would  sanction  in  favor  of  the  Jews,  the 
king  here  reminds  them  of  what  he  had  so  far 
done  for  Esther  and  Mordecai.  Since,  however, 
he  could  not  directly  annul  his  first  decrees,  but 
could  simply  make  them  powerless  in  effect,  he 
commands  them  not  to  send  new  orders  to  the 
governors — in  this  manner  a  suspension  or  recall 

of  the  first  edict   could   not  be   accomplished 

but  to  send  an  edict  to  the  Jews  themselves, 
commanding  them  to  prepare  for  their  defence. 
The  sentence:  For  the  writing  which  is 
written  in  the  king's  name,  and  sealed 
with  the  king's  ring,  may  no  man  reverse, 
may  have  the  sense,  and  so  it  is  generally  held, 
that  the  simple  recall  of  the  first  edicts  was  not 

possible.  S'K'nS  ]'X  may  indicate  a  reflection 
upon  yUtTT)  in  Esther's  petition  in  ver.  5.* 
But  since  these  words  so  nearly  correspond  to 
what  precedes:  '■  Let  it  be  written  in  the  name 
of  the  king,  arid  seal  it  with  the  king's  ring,"  it 
is  clearer  and  more  natural  to  understand  him 
to  say;  The  new  edict  to  the  Jews  will  be  just 
as  authoritative  and  irreversible  as  was  the  for- 
mer one  to  the  governors.  This  must  equally 
be  obeyed  with  that.  Of  course  the  confirma- 
tion belongs  still  to  the  words  of  the  king. 
The  phraseology  speaks  only  in  an  objective 
sense  of  the  "king,"  because  it  refers  to  a  gene- 
ral rule.  The  infin.  absol.  Niph.  Dinnjl  is  used 
instead  of  the  perfect  [by  an  ellipsis  of  the  sub- 
stantive verb]. 

Vers.  9-14.  These  contain  the  measures  of 
Mordecai. f  In  the  same  manner  as  did  Haman 
(chap.  iii.  12-15)  on  the  13th  of  the  first  month, 
so  Mordecai  wrote  to  and  "commanded  the  Jews 
and  the  rulers  of  the  provinces,"  on  the  23d  of 
the  third  month,  i.  e.  Sivan.     This  was  fully  two 


*  ["The  answer  of  Ahasuerus  is  a  refusal,  but  one 
softened  as  much  as  possible.  He  first  dwells  on  the 
proofs  which  he  had  just  given  of  his  friendly  feeling 
towards  the  Jews  (ver.  7).  He  then  suggests  that  some- 
thing may  be  done  to  help  them  without  revoking  the 
decree  (ver.  8).  Finally,  he  excises  himself  by  appeal- 
ing to  the  well-known  immutability  of  Persian  law." 
R  *  wlixsox. — Tr.] 

t  ["The  suggestion  of  Ahasuerus  quickened  the  in- 
ventive powers  of  Esther  and  Mordecai.  The  scribes 
were  at  once  summoned,  and  a  decree  issued,  not  revo- 
king the  former  one,  but  allowing  the  Jews  to  stand  on 
their  defence,  and  to  kill  all  who  attacked  them.  It 
has  been  pronounced  incredible  that  any  king  would 
thus  have  sanctioned  civil  war  in  all  the  great  cities  of 
his  empire*  but  some  even  of  the  more  sceptical  critics 
allow  that  Xerxes  might  not  improhablv  have  done  80 
(De  Wette,  Einleitung,  p.  198  <tj."  Rawlixsox.— Tb.J 

16 


84 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


months  later,  although  Human's  fall  must  have 
occurred  soon  after  the  edict  of  extermination 
was  published.  No  doubt  Mordecai  thought  it 
expedient  first  to  establish  himself  in  his  new 
position  before  taking  such  steps  and  proposing 
euch  measures.  He  wrote  to  the  Jews,  but  so 
that  the  governors  became  acquainted  with  the 
nature  of  this  order,  and  were  obliged  to  for- 
ward it  in  their  extensive  provinces  to  every 
single  Jewish  community  (comp.  chap.  i.  1). 

The  subject  of  3fO*t  in  ver.  10  is  the  one 
transmitting  or  originating  the  writing,  i.  e. 
Mordecai.  In  order  to  speedily  make  known 
the  edict  so  as  to  free  the  Jews  from  their  anx- 
iety, and  avert  the  evil  in  time,  he  dispatched 
the  messengers  with  the  greatest  speed.  0'?"), 
i.  e.  couriers,  D'D?D3,  i.  e.  on  horses,  by  posts 
on  horseback,  and  riders  on  mules,  and 
young  dromedaries.  —  Ufa},  in  distinction 
from  DID,  is  the  saddle-horse  (dromedary),  the 
race-horse  (1  Kings  v.  8),  and  is  here  used  in  a 
collective  sense.  D'PJWnX  (vers.  10-14)  are 
not ''asses,"  according  to  the  modern  Persian 
estar,  whioh  in  the  Sanscrit  =  acvatara,  and 
hence  may  have  been  acpalara  in  old  Persian  ; 
but  they  were  princely,  royal  horses,  hence 
belonging  to  the  court,  from  kshatra,  "royal," 
king,  according  to  Haug,  in  Ewald's  Bibl.  Jahrb. 
V.,  p.  154.  ^Q1  =  the  Syriac  ramco,  "herd," 
particularly  a  herd  of  horses,  with  which  we 
may  also  compare  the  word  ramakat,  "  stud,"  in 
the  Arabic. 

Ver.  11.  Mordecai  wrote  that  the  king 
granted  the  Jews  which  were  in  every 
city  to  gather  themselves  together,  and 
to  stand  for  their  life,  i.  e.  to  defend  them- 
selves (comp.  Dan.  xii.  1),  to  destroy,  to  slay, 
and  to  cause  to  perish  all  the  power, 
which  like  an  army  would   raise  itself  against 

them  (TJJ),  of  the  people  and  province 
that  would  assault  them,  both  little  ones 
and  women,  and  to  take  the  spoil  of  them 
for  a  prey. — This  too  was  to  take  place  on  the 
day  already  designated  in  chap.  iii.  13,  viz.  the 
thirteenth  day  of  the  twelfth  month.  The  redu- 
plication of  the  expression  "to  destroy,"  etc., 
refers  to  chap.  iii.  13.  The  same  should  be 
granted  the  Jews  which,  according  to  Hainan's 
edict,  was  allowed  the  heathen.  The  Jews  were 
permitted  to  apply  the  jus  talionis.  The  case 
then  stood  that  the  governors  and  other  authori- 
ties were  by  no  means  obligated  to  assist  in  the 
preparation  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews,  nor 
yet  to  obstruct  or  hinder  the  resistance  which 
the  Jews  would  offer  to  their  assailants,  as 
might  seem  to  be  implied  in  the  first  edict.  For 
then  the  second  edict,  which  was  equally  autho- 
ritative, would  have  been  little  respected;  but 
they  could  leave  the  case  to  the  people,  whether 
they  would  attack  the  Jews  and  risk  a  conflict, 
and  they  need  not  afterward  punish  such  Jews 
as  had  slain  their  enemies.  But  still  more.  It 
was  permitted  the  Jews  to  assemble  and  prepare 
and  arm  for  their  common  defence  in  advanco, 
so  that  they  might  act  as  one  man  against  all 
the  assaults  and  reverses,  which  in  case  of  their 
standing   disunited   would  surely   have  befallen 


them.  7npri7  (to  collect),  placed  in  advance 
here,  was  especially  important  (comp.  its  promi- 
nence in  chap.  ix.  2,  15,  16,  18).  Without  this 
the  Jews  would  not  have  possessed  more  than 
the  simple  right  of  self-defence,  which,  under 
any  circumstances,  they  would  have  availed 
themselves  of.  Besides,  even  in  the  Persian 
empire  the  larger  portion  of  the  inhabitants 
seem  to  have  possessed  humanity  enough  to  feel 
the  disreputahleness  of  an  attack  upon  the  Jews 
for  the  purpose  of  rapine,  and  they  were  little 
inclined  to  participate  therein.  On  ver.  13 
comp.  chap.  iii.  14  A,  and  on  ver.  14,  chap.  iii.  15. 

Vers.  15-17.  The  effect  of  this  new  measure 
was  to  produce  great  and  general  joy,  and  to 
bring  great  honor  to  Mordecai.  He  went  forth 
from  the  presence  of  the  king  in  royal  apparel 
of  blue  and  white  (comp.  chap.  i.  6),  and 
with  a  great  crown  of  gold,*  and  with  a 
garment  of  fine  linen  and  purplef  HH3fl 
6.K.  ?.ey.,  in  Aramaic  ND'^DjI).  He  was  thus 
adorned  doubtless  to  show  what  honor  had  been 
shown  him  by  t lie  king,  but  more  particularly  to 
make  it  manifest  how  he  had  succeeded  in  the 
matter  of  the  Jews,  and  at  the  same  time  to  pub- 
lish his  joyous  feelings  thereat.  Importance  at- 
taches here  not  to  the  royal  garment,  which 
had  already  been  given  him  in  chap.  vi.  8  sq.,  but 
to  the  State  robes  of  the  first  minister  at  court, 
which,  it  appears,  Mordecai  had  not  put  on  at  the 
time  of  his  elevation  (vers.  1-2),  but  which  he 
put  on  after  his  care  for  his  people  was  removed. 
Then  the  city  of  Shushan,  i.e.,  its  inhabitants 
one  and  all,  and  not  the  Jews  alone,  of  whom 
there  is  separate  mention  made  in  ver.  16,  re- 
joiced (/HX  is  not  exactly  to  cry  aloud,  comp. 
Isa.  xxiv.  14)  and  was  glad  — Hence  they  had 
deprecated  the  massacre  awaiting  the  Jews,  and 
perhaps  apprehended  with  fear  the  great  disor- 
ders and  dangers  that  would  ensue.  But  the 
Jews,  ver.  16 — i.  e.,  those  living  in  Shushan — for 
the  others  are  mentioned  in  ver.  17,  had  light 
and  joy  in  contrast  to  the  darkening  of  their  fu- 
ture fate  fmfttj  found  in  the  fem.  in  Ps.  xxxix. 
12 ;  in  Isa.  xxvi.  19,  pi,  Jl'VlN),  and  gladness,  and 
joy,  and  honor. 

Ver.  17.  So  also  the  joy  spread  to  those  with- 
out, who  were  so  exceedingly  distressed  through 
Hainan's  edict  (chap.  ix.  3).  They  indulged  in 
feasts,  and  in  a  good,  joyous  day,  i.  «.,  a  holiday 
(comp.  chap.  ix.  19,  22).  But  this  was  not  all. 
Many  of  the  people  of  the  land  became  Jews 
(D'lrrnD,  derived  from  '7,'T'  anu  found  only 
here),  because  the  fear  of  the  Jews,  and  doubt- 
less also  of  the  mighty  and  powerful  God  of  the 
Jews,  ruling  over  their  destiny,  and  not  so  much 
the  fear  of  Mordecai  and  Esther,  had  fallen  upon 
them  (comp.  Ex.  xv.  16;   Deut.  xi.  25)4 

*  ["Not  a  crown  like  the  king's  pn2),  but  a  mere 
golden  band  or  coronet  (rPDj?)-"  Rawlinson.— Te.) 

f  ["The  tunic  or  minor  robe  of  the  king  was  of  pur- 
ple, striped  with  white  (Xenoph.  Curop.  VIII.  3,  5 13 ; 
Plutarch,  Alex.  §61;  Q.  Curt.  III.  5)."  Rawlinson—  Tk.] 

J  ["  Mordecai's  power  might  by  itself  have  caused 
some  fear,  but  the  chief  alarm  felt  probably  was  lest  the 
Jews,  when  the  day  came  for  revenging  themselves, 
should  account  the  large  class  of  indifferent  person! 
among  their  enemies.  Persons  of  this  class  avoided 
the  danger  by  becoming  Jews."  Rawlinbon. — Te.] 


chap.  vm.  1-17. 


85 


DOCTRINAL   AND    ETHICAL. 

Onver.  1  sqq.  1,  If  in  the  present  case  the  danger 
that  threatened  thcJews  had  not  been  so  imminent 
and  the  disposition  of  both  Esther  and  Mordecai 
so  patriotic,  then  they  might  possibly  have  be- 
come proud  in  view  of  the  wealth  and  high  life 
and  station  that  they  now  enjoyed,  or  llley  might 
have  grown  indifferent  or  reserved  with  respect 
to  the  distress  of  their  countrymen.  It  is  too 
frequent  an  occurrence  that  upstarts  fear  to  lose 
caste  by  paying  regard  to  former  relations. 
Hence  they  are  quick  to  forget  and  neglect  their 
previous  friends.  There  is  no  question  that  the 
attainment  of  honor  and  wealth  will  bring  a  bless- 
ing only  when  these  become  an  incentive  to  good 
works,  especially  in  promoting  God's  kingdom. 
There  is  connected  with  their  enjoyment  sufficient 
discontent,  envy  and  misery,  and  also  enough 
trouble  and  curses.  In  general,  Christians  who 
have  come  to  power  are  more  timid  in  taking 
care  of  their  friends  than  worldly  people  are. 
Hence  the  latter  can  more  safely  count  on  the 
applause  of  the  great  mass  of  men.  But  the 
world  will  not  thank  the  former  for  their  timid- 
ity, and  God  will  hold  them  to  account. 

Fecardent:  "We  are  taught  by  Mordecai's 
example  that  even  pious  men  sometimes  come  to 
the  head  of  affairs,  and  are  safely  entrusted  with 
the  reins  of  government;  and  that  God  adorns 
with  this  glory  on  earth  those  whom  He  will  af- 
terwards crown  in  heaven  likewise.  They  are 
promoted,  however,  not  so  much  for  their  own 
sake  as  that  they  may  aid  and  promote  the  church 
and  people  of  God,  and  may  free  and  console 
those  in  affliction." 

Starke:  "We  should  have  sympathy  for  op- 
pressed brethren  in  the  faith  (1  Pet.  iii.  8;  Col. 
iii.  12;  Gal.  vi.  10).  The  innocence  of  the  guilt- 
less should  be  protected  (Sir.  iv.  9;  1  Sam.  is. 
32).  He  who  has  no  pity  for  the  pious  and  inno- 
cent when  they  are  in  danger  is  not  worthy  of 
the  name  of  a  man,  much  less  that  of  a  Chris- 
tian; for  we  are  members  of  one  body  (1  Cor 
xii.  12)."  l 

2.  Although  Hainan  had  been  removed  and 
Mordecai  raised  to  his  present  station,  yet  the 
people  still  stood  in  jeopardy  of  their  lives.  Since 
the  edict  issued  against  them  was  irrevocable, 
their  case  was  still  critical.  There  were  not 
many  perhaps  who  deemed  it  possible  that  any 
means  could  be  found  to  avert  the  threatened 
calamity.  Mordecai  himself  may  have  long  been 
in  doubt  regarding  the  way  to  be  pursued  out 
of  the  difficulty.  And  even  after  it  suggested  it- 
self to  him,  it  may  have  seemed  improbable  that 
it  should  lead  to  success.  All  depended  on  the 
question  whether  the  assailants  would  not  be  too 
numerous  for  the  Jews  to  overpower.  This  could 
not  be  previously  ascertained.  It  may  afford  us 
light  to  know  that  he  waited  two  months  after 
his  elevation  before  he  issued  the  new  edict. 
The  period  until  then  was  one  of  dark  foreboding 
to  the  Jews.  But  the  pious  Jews  doubtless  knew 
how  to  comfort  themselves.  "God  often  delays 
help,  not  because  He  will  render  none,  but  in 
order  to  exercise  our  faith,  and  to  stimulate  us 
the  more  to  call  upon  Him.  Then  also  the  help 
granted  will  make  the  deliverance  more  sweet, 


and  transform  a  great  distress  into  a  great  joy  " 
(Berl.  Bible). 

Mordecai,  for  his  part,  doubtless  held  fast  to 
the  thought  that  one  must  not  despair  of  the  sal- 
vation of  God's  people,  and  that  though  the  dan- 
ger be  ever  so  great,  God  is  infinitely  greater, 
and  that  it  is  man's  duty  to  do  all  in  his  power 
for  himself.  With  respect  to  Esther,  it  wis 
something  extraordinary  that  she,  all  hough  by 
descent  nothing  but  a  poor  Jewess,  should  pro- 
pose to  the  great  king  of  the  Persians,  the  mighty 
and  proud  Ahasuerus,  that  he  would  revoke  in 
one  way  or  another  an  edict  whose  irrevocable 
character  as  a  Persian  dogma  was  fixed.  Really 
this  was  a  demand  to  divest  himself  of  that 
higher  divine  glory  (i6$a)  which  the  faith  of  tho 
people  had  surrounded  him  with.  It  was  to  run 
the  risk  of  unsettling  the  faith  of  the  people 
in  himself,  and  to  expose  himself  to  State  dis- 
turbances. The  difficulties  surrounding  him  may 
even  remind  us  of  the  problem  that  presented  it- 
self to  Christ,  when  He,  in  the  face  of  the  sen- 
tence of  condemnation  upon  the  sinner  on  the 
part  of  justice,  still  made  provision  for  grace. 
Esther  might  have  feared  that  though  her  power 
over  Ahasuerus  had  become  great,  still  he  might 
resent  such  boldness,  and  indignantly  turn  her 
away,  refuse  her  request,  and,  if  possible,  be- 
come still  more  embittered  against  the  Jews. 
Whatever  considerations,  however,  may  have 
arisen  in  her  heart  at  the  time,  still  she  was 
doubtlessly  incited  by  the  predominant  thought 
that  the  higher  position  one  holds,  the  greater 
are  the  responsibilities  connected  therewith; 
that  the  more  influence  one  wields,  the  greater 
must  also  be  the  courage  to  sustain  it,  so  that 
one  must  not  hesitate  to  strive  after  the  highest 
aims  and  to  tread  the  most  difficult  paths  iu  the 
line  of  duty.  But  this  correct  view,  this  beauti- 
ful conviction,  could  not  have  been  possible  un- 
less she  had  been  first  in  possession  of  a  pure 
love  for  her  work.  As  is  the  case  with  men,  so 
it  was  also  with  her,  as  a  woman,  that  a  true  and 
correct  conviction  depended  upon  the  state  of  her 
heart.  If,  in  the  following  chapter,  she  mani- 
fests a  sharp  contrast  with  the  heathen  accord- 
ing to  the  Jewish  Old  Testament  view,  which 
threatened  to  cause  her  to  err  in  the  Christian 
view,  and  to  bring  vengeance  and  hate  into  play, 
yet,  on  the  other  hand,  she  reveals  toward  her 
people  a  love  so  strong,  so  self-sacrificing,  and  so 
bold,  that  it  seems  as  if  she  had  heard  and  ap- 
prehended the  great  question:  "This  I  did  for 
thee;  what  doest.  thou  for  me?"  She  here 
shows  that  mercy  which  is  appropriate  to  him 
who  recognizes  how  great  the  mercy  was  that 
met  him. 

3.  It  is  a  great  and  precious  word  which  Es- 
ther utters  in  justification  of  her  large  and  bold 
request:  "How  can  1  endure  to  see  all  the  evil 
which  will  come  upon  my  people,  aud  how  shall 
I  bear  to  see  the  destruction  of  my  friends? " 
She  here  openly  expresses  the  fact  that,  though 
she  is  now  greatly  elevated,  yet  she  is  not  able  to 
sever  the  bond  that  unites  her  to  her  kindred. 
But,  still  more,  she  asserts  that  her  life,  though 
embellished  with  all  the  glory  that  Ahasuerus 
could  bestow,  has  no  value  to  her  if  she  cannot 
also  kaow  that  the  lives  of  her  kindred  are  safe 
from  harm.     All  this  was  so  well  expressed  by 


80 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


her  Ibat  her  word  is  very  appropriate  in  point- 
ing for  our  comfort  to  that  Prince  who  in  reality 
makes  this  sentiment  His  own — who,  though  in 
the  form  of  God,  thought  it  not  robbery  to  be 
equal  with  God,  but  laid  aside  His  glory,  and 
became  obedient  to  death,  even  the  death  of  the 
cross.  But  it  is  also  appropriate  as  an  exhorta- 
tion for  us,  which  should  impel  us  in  our  circum- 
stances to  more  and  more  approach  her  in  this 
duty.  It  would  be  little  credit  to  us  should  we 
prefer  only  those  who  are  alike  spiritually- 
minded  with  ourselves,  and  should  we  neglect  or 
ignore  those  who  are  related  to  us  according  to 
the  body,  and  should  we  look  upon  the  perdition 
of  so  many  souls  with  indifference. 

On  vers.  7-14.  The  great  excitement  which 
now  took  place  in  Shushan,  beginning  among  the 
scribes  of  the  king  and  spreading  through  all  the 
one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  provinces  of  the 
great  Persian  empire,  from  India  to  Ethiopia,  by 
means  of  the  couriers  who  rode  the  best  ahd 
fleetest  horses  of  the  king' 8  stud,  and  which  seized 
all  satraps  and  governors,  but  particularly  all 
Jewish  communities,  may,  as  a  first  effect,  have 
provoked  much  inquiry  respecting  the  meaning 
of  the  message,  and  then  great  astonishment  at 
it.  It  is,  however,  hardly  possible  that  any  one 
already  comprehended  the  significance  of  the 
event.  What  was  visible  was  seemingly  only  a 
shell  in  which  lay  secreted  a  seed  capable  of  in- 
finite developments,  a  new  universal  law,  or  ra- 
ther a  new  and  glorious  gospel  which  should 
henceforth  rule  over  the  world's  history  and  ex- 
pand to  ever  increasing  authority.  The  Jews 
were  to  have  the  right  to  arm  themselves  against 
the  day  of  attack  on  the  part  of  the  heathen. 
This  implied  that  though  externally  dependent, 
still  among  and  in  themselves  they  should  have 
freedom  and  the  right  to  observe  their  laws  and 
religion.  This  again  prophetically  indicates  that 
the  kingdoms  of  the  world,  although  outwardly 
powerful,  should  inwardly  lay  themselves  more 
and  more  open  to  the  power  of  the  kingdom  of 
God.  The  Jews  should  now  be  empowered  to 
take  their  defence  against  their  enemies  into  their 
own  hands.  Thus  it  was  implied  that,  in  spite 
of  the  restricted  sphere  to  which  they  were  con- 
signed, they  still  had  a  right  to  self-exertion. 
This  mode  of  action  upon  attack  only  left  them 
in  an  externally  insufficient  position  for  success- 
ful defence.  Yet  even  in  this  was  contained  the 
prophecy  that  the  people  of  God  are  permitted,  in 
an  inward  and  higher  sense,  themselves  to  do  the 
best  for  victory  over  their  enemies,  and  this  the 
more  since  the  means  of  the  world's  empires  are 
here  insufficient.  Both  the  right  to  exist  and  to 
be  active  in  the  new  sphere  which  they  should 
enter,  though  as  yet  existing  in  embryo,  was  ne- 
*er  sanctioned  here.     And  if  Judaism  even  to- 


day expects  to  find  in  the  book  of  Esther  that 
which  will  afford  it  joy,  then  we  must  go  still 
further  and  apprehend  its  deeper  and  more  glo- 
rious import  for  Christianity  and  the  Christian 
church. 

On  vers.  15-17.  Mordecai,  after  having  at- 
tained all  his  requests,  went  out  from  the  king 
clothed  in  royal  garments,  adorned  with  a  large 
golden  crown  upon  his  head.  And  in  all  the  land 
and  cities,  wherever  the  new  law  was  promul- 
gated, joy  and  rejoicing  arose  among  the  Jews. 
A  great  festival  day  had  come  for  them.  We  do 
not  know  in  how  far  their  joy  was  pure.  If  it 
only  arose  because  they  could  now  make  the  ne- 
cessary preparations  to  defend  themselves  from 
the  attacks  of  their  assailants,  then  no  one  will 
hegrudge  them  their  joy.  It  was  certainly  a  time 
of  deliverance  fur  them.  It  is  just  such  times  as 
these  that  have  made  great  impressions  not  only 
upon  the  Jews,  but  likewise  upon  the  heathen 
surrounding  them.  As  in  the  case  of  the  exodus 
of  the  Jews  from  Egypt  (Ex.  xii.  88;  Numb.  x. 
29),  so  also  here  many  of  the  people  of  the  land 
joined  themselves  to  the  Jews,  indei'd  were  con- 
verted to  Judaism.  Prophecies  such  as  Isa.  xiv. 
1;  xliv.  5  began  to  be  in  part  realized.  Periods 
of  deliverance  are  chiefly  periods  of  the  exten- 
sion of  God's  kingdom.  Would  that  we  might 
realize  this  in  our  times  of  trouble!  Since  the 
time  of  sorrow  must  of  necessity  have  an  end  and 
make  way  for  a  time  of  deliverance,  we  may  very 
properly  rejoice  in  prospect  of  the  future  growth 
in  the  church,  however  threatening  the  outlook 
may  be.  It  is  on  this  account  that  our  Lord  ex- 
horts us  to  raise  the  head  when  all  these  things 
are  in  process  of  fulfilment. 

The  points  most  important  in  our  chapter  are 
given  in  brief  terms  closely  following  each  other. 
There  is  God's  watchful  and  energetic  care  for 
His  instruments  for  good.  Esther  and  Mordecai 
are  in  advance  established  in  their  influential  po- 
sition, so  that  they  may  the  more  effectually  exe- 
cute His  will.  Then  comes  His  care  for  His  peo- 
ple, from  whom  He  averts  the  threatening  dan- 
ger, and  lastly  the  world  is  cared  for. 

Brenz:  "What  an  example  is  here  presented 
to  us  of  the  issue  of  the  greatest  dangers  which 
may  threaten  God's  people  or  church.  But  what 
is  said  of  the  safety  of  the  universal  church,  the 
same  holds  true  of  every  private  individual  who 
is  a  member  of  the  church.  '  I  pray  not  for  them 
alone,'  says  Christ,  'but  for  those  who  through 
their  word  shall  believe  in  me.'  " 

Starke:  "It  is  a  small  thing  for  God  to  turn 
the  seasons  of  sorrow  of  the  pious  into  hours  of 
joy  (Ps.  xxx.  12;  John  xvi.  20).  God  helps  His 
people  (Luke  i.  52)  and  causes  them  to  rejoice 
over  their  euemies  (Ps.  xcii.  12)." 


CHAP.   IX.  1— X.  3.  87 


B— THE   JEWS   DESTROY   TTIEIR   ENEMIES,   AND  AT   MORDECAI'S   REQUEST    ESTAB- 
LISH THE  FESTIVAL  OF  PUIU.VI. 

Chap.  IX.  1-32. 

I.   The  common  defence  of  the  Jews  is  very  successful.    Vers.  1-15. 

1  Now  [And]  in  the  twelfth  [twelve]  month,  that  is  the  month  Adar,  on  the  thir- 
teenth [thirteen]  day  of  the  same  [in  it],  when  [that]  the  king's  commandment 
[word]  and  his  decree  [law]  drew  near  to  be  put  in  the  execution  [done],  in  the  day 
that  the  enemies  of  the  Jews  hoped  to  have  power  over  [on]  them,  (though  it  [and 
(i.  e.,  then)  that]  it  was  turned  to  the  contrary  that  the  Jews  [themselves]  had  rule 

2  [should  have  power]  over  [on]  them  that  hated  them  [their  haters]),  the  Jews 
gathered  [congregated]  themselves  together  in  their  cities,  throughout  [in]  all  the 
provinces  of  the  king  Ahasuerus,  to  lay  [send  forth]  hand  on  such  as  sought  their 
hurt  [on  the  seekers  of  their  evil]  ;  and  no  man  could  withstand  [stood  in  the  lace 

3  of]  them  ;  for  the  fear  of  them  fell  upon  all  people  [the  peoples].  And  all  the 
rulers  [princes]  of  the  provinces,  and  the  lieutenants  [satraps],  and  the  deputies 
[pashas],  and  [the]  officers  of  the  king  [doers  of  the  work  which  was  to  the  king], 

4  helped  [were  lifting]  the  Jews  ;  because  the  fear  of  Mordecai  fell  upon  them.  For 
Mordecai  was  great  in  the  king's  house,  and  his  fame  [hearing]  went  [tiw  going] 
out  throughout,  [in]  all  the  provinces;  for  this  [the]  man  Mordecai  waxed  greater 

5  and  greater  [m  going  and  great].  Thus  [And]  the  Jews  smote  [on]  all  their  ene- 
mies with  the  stroke  [smiting]  of  the  sword,  and  slaughter  and  destruction,  and  did 
what  they  would  [according  to  their  pleasure]  unto  those  that  hated  them  [on  their 

6  haters].  And  in  Shushan  the  palace  [citadel]  the  Je*s  slew  and  destroyed  five 
7,  8  hundred  men.  And  Parshandatha,  and  Dalphon,  and  Aspatha,  and  Poratha, 
9'  and  Adalia,  aud  Aridatha,  and  Parmashta.  aud  Arisai,  and  Aridai,  and  Vajezatha, 

10  the  ten  sons  of  Hainan,  the  son  of  Hammedatlia  [the  Medatha],  the  enemy  of  the 

11  Jews,  slew  they;  but  [and]  on  the  spoil  laid  [sent forth]  they  not  their  hand.  On 
that  d*y  the  number  of  those  that  were  slain  [the  slain  ones]  in  Shushan  the  palace 

12  [citadel]  was  brought  [came]  before  the  king.  And  the  king  said  unto  Esther  the 
queen,  Th  s  Jews  have  slain  and  destroyed  five  hundred  men  in  Shushan  the  pala  e 
[citadel],  and  the  ten  sons  of  Haman  ;  what  have  they  done  in  the  rest  of  the  king's 
provinces?     Now   [And]  what  is  thy  petition  ?  and  it  shall  be  granted  [given  to] 

13  thee;  or  [and]  what  is  thy  request  further  [again]?  and  it  shall  be  done.  Then 
[And]  said  Esther,  If  it  please  [be  good  upon]  the  king,  let  it  be  granted  [given]  to 
the  Jews  which  [who]  are  in  Shushan  to  do  to-morrow  also  according  unto  this 
day's  [to-day'sl  decree  [law],  and  let  Haman's  ten  sous  be  hanged  [let  them  hang] 

14  upon  the  gallows  [tree].     And  the  king  commanded  [said]  it  so  to  be  done;  and 

15  the  decree  [law]  was  given  at  Shushan  ;  and  they  hanged  Haman's  ten  sons.  For 
[And]  the  Jews  that  were  in  Shushan  gathered  [congregated]  themselves  together  on 
the  fourteenth  day  also  of  th'.  mouth  Adar,  and  slew  [smote]  three  hundred  men 
[males]  at  Shushan  ;  but  [aud]  on  the  prey  [booty]  they  laid  not  their  hand. 

II      it  (he  desire  of  Mordecai  the  J'  ws  resolve  to  celebrate  the  lilh  and  Ibth  of  the  month  Adar  as  Purim. 

Vers.  10-28. 

16  But  [And]  the  other  [remaiuder  of  the]  Jews  that  were  in  the  king's  provinces 
gathered  [congregated]  themselves  together,  and  stood  [there  was  a  standing]  for 
[upon]  their  lives  [soul],  and  had  rest  from  their  enemies,  and  slew  [there  was  a 
smiting]  of  [in]  their  foes  seventy  and  five  thousand  (but  they  laid  not  their  hands 

17  [hand]  on  the  prey  [booty]).     On  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  month  Adar:  and  on 


g8  THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


the  fourteenth  day  of  the  same  [in  it]   rested  they  [there  was  a  resting],  and  made 

18  [there  was  a  making]  it  a  day  of  feasting  [banquet]  and  gladness.  But  [And]  the 
Jews  that  were  at  Shushan  assembled  [congregated]  together  on  the  thirteenth  day 
thereof  [in  it],  and  on  the  fourteenth  thereof  [iu  it]  ;  and  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the 
same  [in  it]   they  rested  [there  was  a  resting]   and  made   [a  making]  it  a  day  of 

19  feasting  [banquet]  and  gladness.  Therefore  the  Jews  of  the  villages  [country  places'], 
that  dwelt  in  the  unwalled  towns  [cities  of  the  country  places'],  made  [vere  making] 
the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month  Adar  a  day  of  gladness  and  feasting  [banquet],  and 

20  a  good  day,  and  of  sending  portions  one  [a  man]  to  another  [his  neighbor].  And 
Mordecai  wrote  these  things  [words],  and  sent  letters  [books]  unto  all  the  Jews 
that  were  in  all  the  provinces  of  the  king  Ahasuerus,  both  [the]  nigh  and  [the]  far, 

21  to  stablish  this  among  [upon]  them,  that  they  should  keep  [to  be  making]  the  four- 
teenth day  of  the  mouth  Adar,  and  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  same  [in  it]  yearly   [in 

22  every  year  and  (i.  e.,  by)  year],  as  the  days  wherein  the  Jews  rested  irom  their 
enemies,  and  the  month  which  was  turned  unto  them  from  sorrow  to  joy  [gladness], 
and  from  mourning  into  a  good  day;  that  they  should  make  [to  make]  them  days 
of  feasting  [banquet]  and  joy  [gladness],  and  of  sending  portions  one  [a  man]  to 

23  another  [his  neighbor],  and  gifts  to  the  poor.  And  the  Jews  undertook  [each  re- 
ceived] to  do  as  thev  had  begun  [what  they  had  begun  to  do],  and  as  [what]  Mor- 

24  decai  had  written  unto  them ;  because  Hainan  the  son  of  Hammedatha  [the  Me- 
datha]  the  Agagite,  the  enemy  of  all  the  Jews,  had  devised  against  the  Jews  to 
destroy  them,  and  had  cast  Pur  (that  is,  the  lot)  to  consume  [discomfit]  them,  ana 

25  to  destroy  them:  but  [and]  when  Esther  [it]  came  before  the  king,  he  com- 
manded [said]  by  [with  the]  letters  [books],  that  his  wicked  [evil]  device,  which 
he  devised  against  the  Jews,  should  return  upon  his  own  head,  and  that  he  [him] 

26  and  his  sons  should  be  hanged  [they  should  hang]  on  the  gallows  |_tree].  Where- 
fore [Therefore]  they  called  these  days  Purim,  atter  [upon]  the  name  of  [upon] 
Pur-  therefore  for  [upon]  all  the  words  of  this  letter,  and  of  that  which  [and  what] 
they  had  seen  concerning  this  matter  [upon  thus],  and   which    [what]  had   come 

27  unto  them.  The  Jews  ordained  [established],  and  took  [each  received]  upon  them, 
and  upon  their  seed,  and  upon  all  such  as  joined  [the  ones  joining]  themselves  unto 
[upon]  them,  so  as  [and]  it  should  not  fail  [pass],  that  they  would  keep  [to  be 
making]  these  two  days  according  to  their  writing,  and  according  to  their  appointed 

28  time,  [in]  every  year  [and  (i  e.,  by)  year];  and  that  these  days  should  be  [these 
days  were]  remembered  and  kept  [made]  throughout  [in]  every  generation  [and 
(i  e,  by)  generation],  every  family  [family  and  (t.  e.,  by)  family],  every  province 
[province  and  (i  e.,  by)  province],  and  every  city  [city  and  U.  e  by)  city]  ;  and 
that  these  days  of  Purim  should  not  fail  [pass]  fiom  among  [the :  midst  of]  the  Jews, 
nor  the  memorial  [remembrance]  of  them  perish  [cease]  Irom  their  seed. 

III.  At   the  request   of  Esther   the  Jews   also  resolve  to   commemorate   the  feast  of  Purim  with  fasting 

and  mourning.    Vers.  29-32. 

29  Then  [And]  Esther  the  queen,  the  daughter  of  Abihail,  and  Mordecai  the  Jew, 
wrote  with  all  authority,  to  confirm  [establish]  this  second  letter  ot  [the]  Purim. 

oC  And  he  sent  the  letters  [books]  unto  all  the  Jews,  to  the  hundred  twenty  and  seven 

31  provinces  ot  the  kingdom  of  Ahasuerus,  with  words  of  peace  and  truth,  to  connrrn 
[establish]  these  days  of  [the]  Purim  in  their  times  appointed,  according  as  Morde- 
cai the  Jew  and  Esther  the  queen  had  enjoined  [established  upon]  them,  and  as 
they  had  decreed  [established]  for  [upon]  themselves  Ltne.r  souij   ana  tor  |uponj 

32  their  seed,  the  matters  [words]  of  the  fastings  and  their  cry  And  the  decree  [,av 
ing]  of  Esther  confirmed  [established]  these  matters  [words]  ol  [the]  Purim  ,  and 
it  was  written  in  the  book. 


CHAP.  IX.  1— X.  3. 


89 


SUPPLEMENT. 


DISTINCTION  AND  POWER  OF  MORDECAI  IN  THE  MIGHTY  PERSIAN  EMPIRE. 

Chapter  X.  1-3. 

1  And  the  king  Ahasuerus  laid  [put]  a  tribute  upon  the  land,  and  upon  the  isles  of 

2  the  sea.  And  all  the  acts  [work]  of  his  power  [authority]  and  of  his  might,  and  the 
declaration  [spreading]  of  the  greatness  of  Mordecai,  whereunto  the  king  advanced 
him  [whom  the  king  made  great],  are  they  not  written  in  [upon]  the  book  of  the 
Chronicles  [words  of  the  days]  of  the  kings  of  Media  [Madai]   and  Persia  [Paras]  ? 

3  For  Mordecai  the  Jew  was  next  [second]  unto  [the]  king  Ahasuerus,  and  great 
among  [to]  the  Jews,  and  accepted  of  [to]  the  multitude  of  his  brethren,  seeking  the 
wealth  of  [good  to]  his  people,  and  speaking  peace  to  all  his  seed. 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

The  author  here  gives  us  the  last  and  most  im- 
portant part  of  the  solution,  the  success  which 
followed  the  measures  of  Mordecai  for  the  deli- 
verance of  the  Jews.  Thus  his  history  takes 
such  a  turn  that  the  great  Persian  heathen  em- 
pire, which  at  first  rejoiced  with  feasting  and 
hilarity,  now  suffers  a  great  defeat.  Moreover 
this  occurs  by  the  very  Jewish  nation  which 
Haman  and  similar  enemies  hoped  to  destroy. 
The  time  of  joyous  feasting  now  came  to  the  Jews 
and  to  those  who  had  joined  them.  Mordecai's 
measure  for  the  removal  of  the  danger  was  quite 
sufficient.  This  was  true  first  (vers.  1-5)  in  the 
Persian  empire  in  general. 

Ver.  1.  Now  in  the  twelfth  month,  that 
is,  the  month  Adar,  on  the  thirteenth  day 
of  the  same,  when — "Vi^X  may  here  be  taken 
as  the  accus.  of  time,  in  which,  or  where,  the 
king'scommandment  and  his  decree  drew 
near  to  be  put  into  execution,).  e.,in  which 
the  king's  word  and  law  should  be  carried  out, 
in  the  day  that  the  enemies  of  the  Jews 
hoped  to  have  power  over  them  (though 
it  was  turned  to  the  contrary  so  that  the 
Jews  had  rule  over  them  that  hated  them ). 
The  infin.  absol.  N1D  1]13rijl  may  be  made  to  de- 
pend, as  a  continuation  of  the  preceding  perfect 
upon  1t?N.  Then  N1D  will  stand  as  a  neuter  for 
the  thing  which  their  enemies  hoped  to  accom- 
plish on  the  thirteenth.  ^iSHJl  may  also  serve 
as  a  remark  inserted  as  a  casual  intermediate 
expression,  then  X^n  will  probably  refer  back  to 
□V,  comp.  ver.  22  :  "  As  the  day  was  turned  unto 
them  (so)  that,"  etc.  As  this  remark  does  not 
anticipate,  and  in  advance  indicate  the  result 
afterward  realized,  but  only  speaks  of  change 
brought  about  by  the  issue  of  the  second  royal 

edict,  £3  jt?  stands  the  second  time  for  the  "might" 
or  "power"   which   now  awaited   the   Jews  ac- 


cording to  right  and  law,  but  had  not  yet  been 
realized.  H^n  added  to  the  subject,  serves  to 
make  a  sharp  contrast  between  the  Jews  and 
their  enemies,  so  that  it  may  be  translated  ipsi, 
(themselves)  comp.  Ewald,  \  314  a.  In  ver.  2  fol- 
lows the  mention  of  a  fixed  time:  The  Jews 
gathered  themselves  together  in  their  ci- 
ties, ;'.  e.,  those  in  which  they  were  more  nu- 
merous, but  yet  dwelt  mixed  up  witii  the  heathen 
inhabitants.  They  gathered  themselves,  to  lay 
hand  on  such  as  sought  their  hurt,  /.  e.,  ac- 
cording to  chap.  viii.  11,  such  as  attacked  tbem 
to  destroy  them.  And  no  man  could  with- 
stand them. — so  'J33  10^'  (comp.  Josh.  x.  8; 
xxi.  42  ;  xxiii.  9),  because  fear  of  them,  or  their 
fear  hid  fallen  upon  all  the  people  (comp.  chap. 
viii.  17).* 

Ver.  3.  All  the  princes,  the  satraps,  and  go- 
vernors, and  also  other  persons  of  rank  whom  it 
is  unnecessary  here  to  name  (comp.  chap.  iii.  9), 
assisted  the  Jews.     D'N^JO,  as  in  Ezek.  i.  4.+ 

Ver.  4.  These  were  especially  influenced  by 
the  fear  of  Mordecai,  who  now  became  more  and 
more  powerful  and  authoritative,  (comp.  1  Chron. 

xvii.  12,  where  we  find  instead  of  7l7j  the  in- 
trans.  partic.  TH). 

Ver.  5.   Thus  the  Jews  inflicted  a  great  defeat 


*  ["  The  Jews  apparently  did  not  remain  wholly  on 
the  defensive.  Their  enemies  were  no  doubt  well 
known  to  them,  and  were  prepared  for  the  struggle 
which  it  was  seen  must  come.  Sometimes  the  one  side, 
sometimes  the  other,  would  commence  the  attack." 
Rawlinsox. — Tr.1 

t  ("This  is  very  important.  It  has  been  stated  that  ac- 
cording to  the  narrative  of  Esther  the  Jews  were  allowed 
to  kill  '75.000  Persians;'  and  this  (supposed!  feature  of 
the  narrative  has  been  pronounced  'incredible.'  The 
present  verse  shows  that  the  real  Persians,  who  formed 
ill-  Btanding  army  which  kept  the  empire  in  subjection, 
and  were  at  the  disposal  of  the  various  governors  of  the 
province,  took  the  Jews1  side.  Their  enemies  were  al- 
most entirely  to  he  found  among  the  idolatrous  people 
of  the  subject  nations,  for  whose  lives  neither  the  Per- 
sians generally,  nor  their  monarchs,  cared  greatly." 
Rawlinson.— ta.J 


90 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


upon  all  their  enemies  with  the  sword,  slaughter 
and  destruction :  they  carried  out  the  right  of 
retaliation  which  had  been  accorded  them  in  ch. 
viii.  11.     D3n  with  3  is  to  smite,  to  defeat  some 

T     "  ■ 

one  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  10;  xxiv.  17  :  Num.  xxii.  6). 
H3D  can  only  depeud  upon  71311  ;  JTH  and  |"I3X 
both  belong  to  J"OD  (comp.  chap  ix.  5,  where 
airrroa  corresponds  to  TCtyri). 

Vers.  6-15.  The  defence  of  the  Jews  succeeded 
especially  well  in  Shushan.  Ver.  6.  And  in 
Shushan  the  palace  the  Jews  slew  and 
destroyed  five  hundred  men*  The  infin. 
abs.  H3X1  as  a  supplement  to  the  foregoing  per- 
fect expresses  :   "  they  slew  and  destroyed." 

Ver.  7.  The  insertion  of  the  names  of  the  ten 
sons  of  Hainan  who  were  also  destroyed,  corres- 
ponds to  the  author's  method  of  exactness,  and 
his  disposition  to  mention  names,  as  is  seen  in 
chap  i.  14.  Jewish  rabbis  have  found  these 
names  indicative  of  representative  importance, 
and  have  taken  the  ind. vidua)  traits  to  mean 
something  prophe'ic.  This  peculiar  mode  of 
writing,  corresponding  so  well  to  the  style  of 
later  mystical  modes  of  interpretation  of  later 
Jewish  theology,  may  have  been  inherent  in  its 
spirit,  or  it  may  have  been  because  they  find  the 
"  minuscule"  letter  J1  in  the  first,  W  in  the  se- 
venth, and  T  in  the  tenth  name,  and  also  the 
"majuscule"  letter  1  in  the  tenth  narue.f  Ac- 
cording to  statements  made  by  Buxtorf  (St/nag. 
Jvd.,  p.  588)  the  mode  of  writing  should  be  asij;n 
that  the  ten  sons  were  suspended  in  a  perpendi- 
cular line,  one  over  the  other,  or  an  omen  that 
after  their  fall  they  should  never  more  rise  to 
glory.  The  Jews  did  not  take  the  booty  of  their 
enemies  as  was  permitted  them  to  do  in  the  edict 
of  chap.  viii.  11.  This,  however,  was  tbe  order 
given  to  their  enemies  in  the  edict  of  Haman, 
chap,  iii  13,  and  the  author  here  gives  it  promi- 
nent mentiou.  in  order  to  show  that  there  was 
no  intention  on  the  part  of  the  Jews,  to  gratify  a 
low  avaricious  disposition,  but  only  to  defend 
themselves. 

Vers.  11-15.  After  Ahasuerus  had  discovered 
the  number  of  those  who  had  perished  in  Shu- 
shan,   he  stated    the   same    to   Esther,  adding : 


*  ["  By  '  Shushan  the  palace '  or  '  the  fort,'  we  are  pro- 
bahly  to  understand  the  whole  of  the  upper  town,  which 
occupied  an  area  of  above  a  hundred  acres,  and  con- 
tained, no  doubt,  many  residences  besides  the  actual  pa- 
lace. It  is  not  likely  that  the  Jews  would  have  ven- 
tured to  shed  blood  within  the  palace  precincts."  Raw- 
linson.— Tr.  I 

■f  ["Excepting  Adalia,  all  these  names  are  readily 
traceable  to  Old  Persian  roots.  Parskandatha  is  'given 
to  Persia,'  or  '  to  the  Persians  ;'  Dalphon,  which  in  Per- 
sian must  have  been  Darphon  or  Darpon,  is  probably  tin* 
Persian  representative  or  the  Bansc.  darpin,  'arrogant ;' 
Aspatha  is  from  aspa,  'horse,'  and  would  probably  mean 
'horseman;'  Poratha  is  apparently  from  paru,  'much, 
great,'  and  ratha,  'a  chariot,'  and  would  mean  'having 
many  chariots ;'  Aridatha is  from  the  roots  ari  'very,' 
and  da, '  to  kiv'*>'  and  would  mean  '  liberal '  (corns.  Phra- 
datcs).  Parmashta  is  a  little  doubtful,  bat  may  be  from 
Ira,  an  intensive  particle,  and  mathista,  'greatest' 
(comp.  Lat.  praymaanus).  Arisai  has  the  intensive  ari 
prefixed  to  a  root  sana,  which  is  perhaps  '  to  conquer  ' 
or  'to  go;'  and  Aridai  has  the  same  intensive  prefixed 
to  the  root  da,  '  to  give.'  Finally,  Vajtzatha  comprises 
two  elements,  vaija,  'the  wind,'  and  zathn,  (com]).  Zend. 
mat), '  powerful ;'  and  would  mean  '  strong  as  the  wind  ' 
(eomp.  Chitrataohma,  'strong  as  the  leopard;'  Tritan- 
Uechmes,  'strong  as  Tritan,  i.  e„  Feridem)."  Rawlin- 
son.— Taj 


■What  have  they  done  in  the  rest  of  the 
king's  provinces?  i.  e.,  how  many  must  they 
not  have  destroyed  there  ;  this  he  said  in  order 
to  prove  to  her  that  he  had  granted  a  great  favor 
to  the  Jews,  and  hence  that  he  was  well-disposed 
toward  them  (comp.  chap.  viii.  7, 8).  But  to  the 
same  intent  he  also  adds  the  promise  following: 
Now  what  is  thy  petition?  and  it  shall 
be  granted  thee. — Perhaps  he  recognized  the 
fact  that,  if  the  Jews  had  to  do  with  so  many  op- 
ponents, they  could  hardly  have  mastered  them, 
and  even  now  great  danger  threatened  them  on 
the  part  of  those  remaining,  if  tfeey  could  not 
hunt  down  such  in  their  hiding  places  (and  there 
must  have  been  many  in  so  large  a  city)  and  de- 
stroy them  utterly.  'fU^l,  masc.  or  rather  neuter, 
with  reference  to  HD,  while  in  chap.   vii.  2  we 


find  the  fem.  [fUni  in  relation  to  }n7Nty.  The 
necessity  of  extending  the  privilege  granted  the 
Jews  to  the  following  day,  must  be  evident,  since 
Esther  (chap.  viii.  11)  on  her  part,  without  con- 
sulting Mordecai,  still  further  requested  it.  And 
let  Hainan's  ten  sons  be  hanged  upon  the 
gallows,  i.  e.,  crucify  the  dead  bodies  in  order 
to  increase  the  disgrace  of  their  execution,  but 
more  in  order  to  augment  the  fear  of  the  Jews. 
This  was  the  Hebrew  and  Persian  custom  (see 
Ezra  vi.  11  [comp.  Plutarch,  Artax.  17]). 

Ver.  14.  The  king  acceded  to  Esther's  request, 
and  so  another  edict  was  issued.  This  contained 
principally  or  exclusively  a  renewed  permission 
for  the  Jews.  This  must  be  publicly  proclaimed. 
With  respect  to  the  sons  of  Haman  a  simple  com- 
mand was  sufficient.  The  words,  and  they 
hanged  Hainan's  ten  sons,  by  no  means  in- 
dicates the  substance  or  consequence  of  the  law  ; 
opposed  to  this  are  the  accents  and  the  perfect 

fjfl.  But  since  the  publication  of  a  law  was  the 
consequence  of  the  king's  acquiescence,  so  it  was 
also  with  the  hanging  of  Hainan's  sons. 

Vers.  16-28.  Tlie  establishment  of  Purim. — In 
vers.  16-19  we  find  the  historical  introduction 
to  the  new  edict  of  Mordecai,  in  vers.  20-23  an 
index  of  contents,  and  in  vers.  24-28,  still  fur- 
ther, a  supplement,  confirmatory  of  what  pre- 
ceded, and  which  seems  to  have  been  taken  from 
some  other  writing. 

The  statement  in  ver.  16:  But  the  other 
Jews — separate  from  those  in  Shushan,  etc. — 
again  connects  with  what  preceded  in  vers.  1  and 
2,  in  order  first,  to  add  the  number  of  those  whom 
they  had  slain,  and  next  to  give  due  mention  to 
the  day  of  their  conflict  as  well  as  to  the  fact 
that  the  14th  was  for  them  already  a  day  of  rest.* 
The  author  adds  after  the  phrase  and  stood 
for  their  lives  (comp.  chap.  viii.  11):  and  had 
rest  from  their  enemies. — nij  is  instead  of 
the  more  usual  l"HJ,  Infin.  Absol.  as  in  Num.  xi. 
25.  And  though  he  is  interested  to  publish  the 
result  for  which  the  Jews  stood,  namely,  that 
they  slew  75,000  of  their  enemies,  yet  he  is  more 
busied  with  the  main  thought  that,  these  outside 
Jews,  in  distinction  from  those  in  Shushan,  had 
peace  soon  after  their  first  defence.     The  perfect 

*  [Shushan  here  is  "  probably  the  lower  town,  which 
lay  east  of  the  upper  one  and  was  of  about  the  same  size." 
Eawlinson.— Tb.J 


CHAP.  IX.  1— X.  3. 


91 


in  vers.  16, 17,  as  also  in  ver.  18,  is  continued  by 
subordinated  infinitives  (comp.  Ewald,  \  351  c). 
The  statement  that  the  outside  Jews  had  reit  al- 
ready on  the  14th  of  Adar,  is  here  the  main  point. 
The  other,  in  ver.  18,  that  the  Jews  in  Shushan 
first  had  peace  and  joy  on  the  fifteenth,  is  sub- 
ordinate.    This  relation  is  best  expressed  by  the 

word  "  while,"  by  which  ver.  19,  with  its  |3~7£. 
may  be  joined  to  vers.  16  and  17  :  Therefore 
the  Jews  of  the  villages,  that  dwelt  in 
the  unwalled  towns,  made  the  fourteenth 
day  of  the  month  Adar  a  day  of  gladness 
and  feasting,  etc. — It  does  not  matter  much 
about  the  first  season  of  joy,  as  stated  in  ver.  17, 
but  it  is  important  that  this  season  had  now  be- 
come a  custom  of  the  people,  and  must  have  ex- 
isted down  to  the  time  of  our  author.  As  evi- 
dence of  this  we  have  the  partic.  D'2>\  and  also 
the  particles  [S"^'.  which  latter  is  generally 
employed  in  an  explanation  as  to  how  a  custom 
originated.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  for  a  long 
time  there  existed  a  difference  of  time  as  re- 
spects the  day  of  the  feast  of  Purim.  It  appears 
that  the  Jews  in  the  smaller  villages  had  one 
day,  and  tho9e  residing  in  the  larger  cities,  i.  e., 
also  in  Jerusalem  (according  to  some  MSS.  of 
the  Septuagint  version  ai  KarotKovvrec  hi  rale  un- 
Tpon-6?.eaiv)  had  another.  The  writing  of  Morde- 
cai,  mentioned  in  the  following  verses,  which  or- 
dered a  uniform  oelebration,  viz.,  of  two  days  (on 
the  14th  and  15th  of  Adar)  soon  restored  uni- 
formity. But  its  acceptance  had  as  a  first  con- 
sequence that,  only  those  chief  communities  in 
the  larger  cities  (vers.  23,  27),  obeyed  the  order, 
but  the  smaller  bodies  still  retained  the  14th 
Adar  as  the  chief  day  of  the  feast.  To  assume  a 
contradiction  between  vers.  23  and  27  (as  does 
Bertheau)  would  be  unwarranted  even  if  the  sec- 
tion beginning  with  ver.  20  be  not  an  addition  by 
our  author,  but  by  some  later  person.  At  the 
time  of  Josephus  it  seems  that  the  season  of  cele- 
bration was  uniform  (comp.  Antiq.  VI.  13),  Ac- 
cording to  the  Mishna  (Megilla,  ljthis  difference 
only  exists  that  the  book  of  Esther  should  be  read 
on  the  14th  in  the  smaller  towns,  but  on  the  15th 
in  the  ancient  walled  cities  of  Palestine  D"n3n. 
with  the  Kethib,  is  the  plural  of  tl^a,  countryman. 

The  Keri  is  the  same  as  Deut.  iii.  5,  and  1  Sam. 
vi.  18.  There  could  have  been  another  form 
from  T">3  such   as  fHS,  as  in  pup  beside  JOp- 

VTIG12  is  the  accus.,  dependent  on  □'i,>' :  And 
of  sending  portions  one  to  another. — Ac 
cording  to  ver.  22  icomp.  Xeh.viii.  10)  one  made 
presents  in  these  feasts,  similar  to  the  sacrificial 
feasts,  to  those  less  wealthy,  but  also  to  others 
to  whom  one  desired  to  signify  a  joyous  mind. 

Vers.  20-23.   The  writing  which  Mordeeai  sent 
to  all  the  Jews,  doubtless  contained  the  substance 

of  our  book  of  Esther,  n^ri  D""Otn  ;  i.  e.,  it 
recounted  the  danger  which  had  threatened  the 
Jews,  and  the  way  in  which  they  were  preserved 
from  destruction ;  for  this  was  needful  to  state 
here,  in  order  to  give  cause  and  color  to  the  feast 
ordered  by  Mordeeai.  But  this  did  not,  there- 
fore, need  to  include  the  whole  book  of  Esther. 


Ver.  21.  Mordecai's  purpose  was:  To  stab 
Hsh  this  among  them,  that  they  should 
keep  the,  etc. — D'p  besides  ttiis  place  (verses 
20-32)  occurs  only  in  Ruth  iv.  7;  Ezra  xiii.  6; 
Ps.  cxix.  28,  106;  and  used  with  78  ll  signifies 
to  establish  something  as  binding  upon  some  one, 
so  that  it  shall  become  a  duty  obligatory  on  him. 
7\'Oj,'  with  DV  here  seems  to  mean  (comp.  ver.  27), 
to  celebrate  a  day.  The  phrase  D'^'i'  rfi'nj,  fol- 
lowing upon  the  long  intervening  sentences  of 
ver.  21,  is  again  taken  up  in  ver.  22  by  rttiDJP 
Dfliys  '3'  D»"VlN  and  still  more  enlarged.  The 
result  was  (ver.  23)  that  what  the  Jews  had  be- 
gun to  do  (ver.  22)  and  what  Mordeeai  wrote  to 
them  to  do   was   by  them   established   as  a  valid 

and  permanent  custom.  '3p,  to  ''accept"  (ch. 
ix.  4),  here  nieaus,  according  to  later  linguistic 
usage,  to  recognize  something  as  a  valid  tradition 
or  law.  The  sing  form  is  explained  by  the  fact 
that  the  verb  precedes  its  subject,  according  to 
Gesen.  \  114.  [Rather  it  denotes  a  distribution 
or  individual  sense. — Tr  ] 

Vers.  24—28.  Now  in  order  both  to  give  the 
name  of  the  feast  just  mentioned  as  well  as  its 
duration  through  two  days,  our  author  again 
briefly  repeats  the  substance  of  the  historical 
basis  in  vers.  24  and  25.  He  also  makes  brief 
mention  of  the  facts  decisive  of  the  name,  and 
then  refers  us  in  ver.  26  to  Mordecai's  letter 
and  the  experiences  of  the  Jews  as  forming  its 
basis.  In  ver.  24  we  find  Haman's  intention  to 
destroy  the  Jews  (comp.  chap.  iii.  1,  6  sqq.), 
and  he  then  points  to  the  feast  of  Pur  or  casting 

of  lots  (chap.  iii.  7).  D"3rn,  "to  destroy  them," 
from  an  older  word,  D^n,  which  generally  de- 
scribes confusion  and  anguish  such  as  comes 
from  God  (Ex.  xiv.  24;  Deut.  ii.  15),  but  which 
here  may  have  been  selected  as  a  play  upon  the 
name  of  Human.  As  regards  the  edict  so 
friendly  lo  the  Jews  in  ver.  25,  comp.  chap, 
viii.  8  sqq — But  when  (it)  came  before  the 

king,  etc.  The  suffix  of  the  word  HX23  can 
have  no  reference  to  Esther;  she  is  not  men- 
tioned in  this  connection  (so  opposed  to  the 
Targum,  Syriac  and  most  interpreters),  but  can 
only  be  taken  as  a  neuter  (as  for  example  in 
Ezek.  xxxiii.  33),  (so  Bertheau  and  Keil) ;  and 
this  the  more  in  keeping  with  the  intention  of 
Unman,  which  is  placed  in  its  proper  light. — 
He  commanded  by  letters  that,  etc. — 
"\3Bn~OJ?  "OX  for:  "to  command  by  writing," 
occurs  only  in  this  place.  It  is  also  peculiar  in 
this  section  that  the  command:  that  his  wicked 
device,  which  he  devised  against  the 
Jews,  should  return  upon  his  own  head, 
is  given  in  direct  speech,   while  usually   in   the 

rest  of  the  book  the  infin.  with  7  is  employed. 
Finally  the  author  also  mentions  the  execution 
of  Hamau  and  his  sons,  on  which  see  chap.  vii. 
10  and  ix.  6  sqq.  In  ver.  20  follows  the  decla- 
ration of  the  name  of  the  day  of  the  celebration, 
to  which  the  author  here  designed  to  give  pro- 
minence;   but  this  is  followed   by  the  statement, 


92 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


after  \3~tJ) ,  that  this  should  last  two  days. 
What  is  simply  indicated  by  the  particles 
|3_L7^  is  further  enlarged  upon  by  '13V73-72? 
Therefore  for  all  the  words  of  this  letter 
(of  Mordecai  in  accordance  with  ver.  20),  and 
(of  all  that)  which  they  had  seen  con- 
cerning the  matter  (n33-7JP,  concerning  the 
so  and  thus),  and  which  had  come  unto 
them;  heuce  also  because  their  own  experience 
fully  corroborated  the   substance  of  Mordecai's 

letter.  In  ver.  27  follows  after  |3~72  the  con- 
cluding sentence :  The  Jews  ordained,  and 
took  upon  them,  and  upon  their  seed, 
and  upon  all  such  as  joined  themselves 
unto  them  (i.  e.  all  proselytes),  so  as  it 
should  not  fail  (but  be  unalterably  established, 

13J£  X1?,  as  in  chap.  i.  19),  that  they  would 
keep  these  two  days  according  to  their 
writing,  and  according  to  their  appointed 
time  every  year  (year  after  year).  —  n^ 
following  upon  ver.  21  is  easily  comprehensible 
Their  writing  and  determination  ef  time  can 
only  have  come  to  them  from  Mordecai's.  In 
ver.  28  there  follows  the  further  injunction: 
And  that  these  days  should  be  remem- 
bered and  kept  throughout  every  genera- 
tion, etc.  The  partic.  D'l^'.J,  etc.,  depend 
upon  rivrh  in  the  preceding  verse.  "|D  ^D  = 
"  to  have  an  end.-'  to  cease. 

Vers.  29-32.  In  order  more  firmly  to  establish 
the  new  law,  and  the  confirmation  of  a  new  cus- 
tom, which  thus  far  had  only  been  observed  by 
Mordecai  aud  Esther,  that  is,  to  connect  a  day 
of  fasting  and  mourning  with  the  days  of  the 
feast  of  Purim,  a  second  letter  was  published. 
This  time  it  was  Queen  Esther  who  composed 
the  letter,  hence  the  femin.  3fOijH.  Mordecai 
is  also  mentioned;  but  possibly  he  was  only 
added  to  give  the  letter  authority  and  legality, 
as  being  the  highest  functionary  in  the  realm, 
and  to  add  the  writings  mentioned  in  ver.  30. 
It.  was  especially  Esther's  concern  that  the  fasts 
and  waitings  which  had  their  origin  with  her- 
self at  the  time  of  the  decisive  step  should  serve 
as  a  reminder  of  the  great  distress  so  happily 
overcome.  According  to  chap.  ii.  15  she  was 
the  daughter  of  Abihail,  and  on  aocount  of  the 
solemnily  of  the  occasion  she  is  expressly  desig- 
nated as  such.  npJV73~nK,  "with  all  strength" 
(power).  "IpH  occurs  only  here,  in  chap.  x.  2 
and  Dan.  xi.  17,  and  would  signify  the  great 
emphasis  that  Esther  laid  on  the  season  of  fast- 
ing and  mourning  no  less  than  on  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  joyous  feast.  The  object  of  D.'p.?, 
"  to  make  valid  as  a  law,"  this  second  letter 
of  Purim  (the  first  was  that  of  Mordecai  in  ver. 
20),  is  also  the  object  of  the  preceding  3JUFVJ. 
By  Ihe  word  "this"  the  author  designates  the 
second  letter,  since  he  has  in  mind  not  to  give 
its  substance,  but  simply  to  indicate  its  exist- 
ence. 

Ver.  30  explains  somewhat  why  Mordecai  is 
also  mentioned   in  ver.  29   along   with   Esther: 


And  he  sent  the  letters  unto  all  the  Jews. 

The  subject  can  here  only  be  Mordecai  himself. 
The  D"130,  however,  which  he  sent  were  not 
copies  of  Esther's  letter  (Keil),  but  writings 
accompanying  it.  These  may  have  had  the 
object  of  further  confirming  and  explaining  the 
facts  on  account  of  which  fasts  and  seasons  of 
mourning  should  be  instituted,  and  of  giving 
a  historic  sketch  of  the  fast  and  mourning  of 
the  Jews  living  in  Shushan.  The  words:  And 
he  sent  the  letters  unto  all  the  Jews  to 
the  hundred  twenty  and  seven  provinces, 
are  in  apposition  to  the  kingdom  of  Ahasu- 
erus. — The  contents  of  the  writing  are  briefly 
designated  as  words  of  peace,  i.  e.  as  words  that 
meant  well,  which  aimed  at  the  welfare  of  Israel 
by  thus  recommending  a  good  custom  for  gene- 
ral observance,  and  which  were  based  on  truth. 
Ver.  31.  The  aim  of  both  Esther  aud  Morde- 
cai's letters  was:  to  confirm  these  days  of 
Purim  in  their  times  appointed. — This  does 
not  mean  that  it  had  reference  only  to  certain 
periods  or  divisions  of  the  days  of  Purim  in 
which  fasts  and  mourning  should  take  place, 
and  for  which  arrangements  should  be  made 
(Bertheau  and  also  Keil);  for  that  would  have 
been  expressed  otherwise  and  more  definitely; 
but  it  gives  the  proper  validity  to  the  selected 
days  of  the  feast  of  Purim,  the  14th  and  15th 
Adar.  The  main  thing,  however,  is  contained 
in  the  following:  According  as  Mordecai 
the  Jew  and  Esther  the  queen  had  en- 
joined them,  and  as  they  had  decreed  for 
themselves  and  for  their  seed,  the  matters 
of  the  fastings  and  their  cry. — Hence  they 
would  also  establish  the  feast  of  Purim  for  them- 
selves, so  that  they  might  join  fasting  and  la- 
mentation to  the  feast  as  Mordecai  aud  Esther 

had  previously  done.  The  suffix  of  DiT7iJ,'  may 
also  refer  to  the  above-mentioned  days  of  Purim 
(not  as  to  their  definite  time,  Bertheau  and 
Keil;  for  this  is  only  mentioned  incidentally); 

but  since  D'p  with  7j£  always  means  to  make  a 
thing  obligatory,  it  is  naturally  referred  to  Esther 
and    Mordecai.      It    is    true    there    follows   the 

phrase  DU'pJ"  J)l ;  but  we  may  understand  this 
in  the  sense  of  DH" 7}'  when  preceding  DJHT~7J?1t 
There  cannot  well  be  any  other  subject  intended 
by  'D'p  than  (against  Keil)  the  above-mentioned 
Mordecai  and  Esther.  DJHt-7g  is  a  zeugmatic 
mode  of  expression.  It  has  practical  reference 
to  Mordecai's  posterity  since  Esther,  as  regards 
her  descendants,  could  not  well  hope  to  see 
them  perpetuate  Jewish  customs. 

Ver.  32  strengthens  the  foregoing  greatly. — 
And  the  decree  of  Esther  confirmed  these 
matters  of  Purim,  those,  namely,  that  had 
reference  to  the  fas's  and  mourning. — And  it 
was  written  in  the  book,  of  course  not  in 
Esther's  letter,  nor  in  Mordecai's  writing  ac- 
companying the  decree,  which  would  be  desig- 
nated by  the  plural  D"1.2?  \  but  !t  was  written 
in  the  book  indicated  in  ver.  20,  in  which  Mor- 
decai  wrote  concerning  llice  events,  and  which 
is  not  identical  with  our  Esther-book,  but  may 


CHAP.  IX.  1— X.  3. 


93 


have  served  as  one  of  its  sources*  The  clay  of 
fasting  anJ  mourning  is  not  definitely  fixed  nor 
stated"  here;  but  it  was  probably  the  13th  of 
Adar,  which  Human  had  set  apart  for  the  de- 
struction of  I  lie  Jews,  and  which  the  Jews  cele- 
brate as  "irOK  rPJVfi,  Esther's  fast,  although  in 
the  period  of  the  Talmud  there  is  mention  made 
of  a  three  days'  fast,  which  was  observed  after 
that  of  Purim. 

Chap.  x.  Our  book  aims  not  only  to  present 
the  deliverance,  but  also  the  elevation  of  Juda- 
ism   in    the    time   and   midst   of   the    great   and 
powerful  heathenism  of  the  period  of  Ahasuerus. 
It  would  represent  the  latter  in  the  person  of 
Human,  the  enemy  to  Judaism,  and  the  former 
in  the  person  of  Mordecai.     Hence  at  its  close 
it  speaks  once  more  of  Mordecai's  greatness  and 
honor.— And   the   king  Ahasuerus  laid    a 
tribute  upon  the  land,  and  upon  the  isles 
of  the  sea.— The  Ketliih   BHOTW  is  an  ortho- 
graphical mistake  for   BhlEtoK.     DO,   "a  levy," 
tribute    (a    tribute-service),    here   means   a  tax 
levied,  and  this  for  the  reason  that  tribute-ser- 
vice belonged  to  products  or  moneys  which  were 
rendered  to  the  king.f     It   may  be  asked  why 
this  remark  occurs  in  our  book,   which,   accord- 
ing to  all  that  has  gone  before,  does  not  belong 
to  the  history  of  Ahasuerus,  but  has  to  do  with 
quite   another   matter.     Keil   thinks  the  author 
wished  briefly  to  indicate  at  the   close  whence 
Ahasuerus  derived   the  means  to    support   such 
magnificent  state  a3  was  described  at  the  begin- 
ning of  our  book.     But  this  inference  would  be 
superfluous,  and  would  come  somewhat  late  here. 
The  only  safe  answer  is  given  us  by  the  manner 
in    which   the   author,   in  ver.   2,   connects   the 
power  of  Ahasuerus  with  the  greatness  of  Mor- 
decai.    The  greater  the  power  of  Ahasuerus  and 
his  wealth,  the  more   powerful  the   dignity   of 
Ahasuerus.     It  is  as  if  the  author  would  tell  us: 
Ahasuerus  had  power  extending  over  the  whole 
earth,  and  he  caused  its  wealth  to  flow  into  his 
treasury,   and  hence    made    himself  felt   as    the 
head  and  lord  of  the  entire  power  of  the  earth. 
It  is  worth  while  in   this   connection  to  observe 
the  comprehensive  statement  O'H  "XI   r"}Kn-7jP 
But    this    concentration    of    universal    sway    in 
himself    did   not    avail   for  the    suppression  of 
an    externally     despicable    Judaism;    it    rather 
served  for  the  recognition   and    elevation   of  the 
latter,  since,  according  to  the  Providence  recog- 
nized in  our  book,   Mordecai,   the  Jew,  becamo 
the  second  ruler  after  Ahasuerus.     Although   it 
seemed  as  if  the  people  of  God  had  been  stricken 
out  of  the  list  of  people  of  the  earth,   still,   in 
Mordeoai,  because  of  his  relation  to  Ahasuerus, 
it  became  possessed  of  the  wealth  of  the  peoples 
of  the  earth.  J 

*  ["  As  book  elsewhere  in  Esther  ("120,  in  the  sing.) 

always  means  a  particular  book — "  the  book  of  the 
chronicles  of  the  kiinxs  of  Media  and  Persia  (ch.  ii.  23; 
vi.  I;  q.  2),  it  seems  best  to  give  it  the  same  sense  here." 
Rawlinson. — Tr.) 

f  [''Some  fresh  arrangement  of  the  tribute  is  likely 
to  hare  followed  on  the  return  of  Xerxes  from  Greece. 
His  exchequer  would  be  exhausted,  and  steps  would 
have  to  be  taken  to  replenish  it.  The  expression  in 
the  original  does  not  necessarily  imply  the  first  impo- 
sition of  a  tribute."  Rawlinson.— Tr.] 

X  [Upon  the  expression  isles  of  the  sen,  in  this  connec- 
tion, Rawlinson  remarks  :  "  Cyprus,  Aradus.  the  island 


Ver.  2.  The  author  does  not  designate  either 
the  wealth  or  the  power  of  Ahasuerus  or  of  Mor- 
decai more  minutely,  but  rather  refers,  for  par- 
ticulars on  both  to  the  archives  of  the  empire  of 
the  Medes  and  Persians.*  It  is  enough  for  him 
to  be  able  to  refer  to  these,  and  it  is  especially 
honorable  for  Mordecai  s  cause,  that  even  the 
archives  of  heathen  kings  must  remember  him. 
For"  rTO"l3,  "clear  statement,"  summary,  cornp. 

T    T  T 

chap.  ix.  7. 

Ver.  3.  Here  the  author  must  once  more  give 
prominence  to  the  fact  that  Mordecai,  the  Jew, 
who  for  him  stands  as  the  representative  of  Ju- 
daism, stood  next  to  king  Ahasuerus,  since  there- 
from it  follows  that  the  greatness  of  the  one  was 
also  that  of  the  other. 

r\ydO,  "  the  second,"  here  means  the  first 
minister  (comp.  2  Chron.  xxviii.  7),  and  hence 
indicates  that  Mordecai  was  great  among  the 
Jews,  and  favored  among  the  multitude  of  his 
brethren;  i.  e.,  that  he  really  occupied  a  repre- 
sentative position  among  them.t  On  'IIP  comp. 
Deut.  xxxiii.  24.  The  expression  Vns  31*1  is  not 
to  be  taken  in  a  limited  sense,  as  if  he  would  say 
less  than:  "  all  his  brethren  ;"  but  maybe  ex- 
plained, as  Bertheau  justly  remarks,  from  the 
poetic  elevation  to  which  his  speech  rises  at  its 
close.  The  additional  sentence  also:  Seeking 
the  wealth  of  his  people,  and  speaking 
peace  to  all  his  seed,  is  quite  in  place  here, 
in  so  far  as  it  indicates  that  what  came  to  Morde- 
cai also  redounded  to  the  good  of  his  entire  peo- 
ple, ty??,  in  parallelism  with  !3j\  is  the  family 
to  which  he  belongs,  as  in  2  Kings  xi.  1  ;  Is.  lxi. 
9,  and  not  his  posterity. 

DOCTRINAL   AND    ETHICAL. 

On  ver.  1.  The  day  in  which  the  enemies  of 
the  Jews  expected  to  see  the  realization  of  their 
hopes,  became  instead  for  the  Jews  a  day  of  vic- 
tory, and  for  their  enemies  a  day  of  reverse  and 
defeat.  This,  under  existing  circumstances, 
seemed  to  be  a  change  which  could  only  be 
hrought  about,  as  it  were,  by  a  miracle.  It  was 
indeed  one  of  those  Providences  by  means  of 
which  it  has  pleased  God  to  reveal  Himself  from 
time  to  time  in  an  especially  remarkable  man- 
ner. At  all  events,  the  prophets  had  foretold 
such  occurrences  as  a  matter  surely  to  be  ex- 
pected.    When  the  captivity  of  Israel  shall  have 


of  Tyre,  Platea,  etc.,  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians' after  tie-  viet..ri -  of  the  Greeks,  and  may  be  the 
'isles'  here  intended.  Or  Xerxes  may  have  ignored 
the  loss  of  the  .Egoan  Islands,  and  have  'laid'  his  tri- 
bute upon  them,  though  he  might  not  be  able  to  exact 
it."— Tr.] 

*  ["  In  the  latter  years  of  Xerxes  his  '  power  and 
might'  were  chiefly  shown  in  the  erection  of  magnifi- 
cent buildings,  more  especially  at  Persepolis.  Be  ab- 
stained fr.  .in  military  expeditions."  "  Media  takes  pre- 
cedence of  Persia  (contrary  to  chap.  i.  3.  14,  18  etc. 
because  the  kingdom  of  Media  had  preceded  that  of 
Persia,  and  in  the  '  Book  of  the  Chronicles  '  its  history 
came  first."  Rawlinson. — Tr.] 

t  ["  It  has  been  objected  that  Artahanus,  the  captain 
of  the  guard,  and  not  Mordecai,  was  Xerxes'  chief  favo- 
rite  in  Ins  twelfth  and  thirteenth  years.  But  this  view 
rests  upon  the  false  chronology  of  Ctesias,  who  gives 
Xerxes  13  rears  only,  instead  of  the  21  of  Ptolemy.  Ma- 
netho,  and  the  generality  of  the  Greek  writers.  Arta- 
banus  was  favorite  towards  the  close  of  Xerxes'  reign, 
i.  «.,  in  his  20th  and  -1st  years."  Rawlinson.— Tr.] 


94 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


reached  its  culmination,  wbeu  (be  people  of  God 
are  on  the  point  of  expiring  under  the  rod  of  their 
drivers,  then,  instead  of  really  perishing,  they 
should  become  captors  for  their  captors  and  task- 
masters for  their  drivers  (Is.  xiv.  2).  What  is 
here  shown  in  a  small  prelude,  according  to  such 
prophecy,  should  attain  a  much  larger  circumfe- 
rence and  a  much  greater  glory.  Our  book  it- 
self, according  to  its  deeper  significance,  points 
in  a  manner  typical  or  prophetical  to  this  great 
and  glorious  final  history.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
this  change  of  affairs  was  itself  deeply  grounded 
in  the  nature  and  circumstances  of  things.  So 
certain  as  the  God  of  Israel  was  the  only  true 
God,  whose  kingdom  shall  not  be  destroyed,  but 
through  all  apparent  reverses  shall  continually 
rise  to  new  and  greater  victories,  so  likewise  to  His 
people — so  long  as  it  is  the  sole  bearer  of  His 
sway,  the  grave,  which  threatens  to  swallow  it 
up,  shall  ever  be  a  place  of  revivification  and 
resurrection.  And  to-day  also  His  empire  must 
continue;  and  that  which  thought  to  overcome 
its  power  must  itself  be  overcome,  and  either  be 
absorbed  or  consigned  to  destruction.  All  the 
days  of  persecution  for  God's  kingdom  are  days 
indeed  in  which  its  enemies  hope  to  overcome  it, 
but  it  always  turns  out  that  such  enemies  are 
themselves  conquered  at  last. 

Brenz:  "We  have  above  such  an  example  in 
Haman,  who  was  himself  hung  on  the  cross  which 
he  had  prepared  for  Mordecai.  So  the  Egyptians 
were  themselves  overwhelmed  in  the  sea  to  which 
they  had  driven  the  Israelites  in  order  to  over- 
whelm them.  So  also  Saul,  who  had  driven  Da- 
vid over  to  the  Philistines,  that  they  might  de- 
stroy him,  was  himself  destroyed  by  the  Philis- 
tines." 

On  vers.  2-4.  At  the  time  of  the  deliverance 
from  Egypt  and  the  entrance  into  Canaan,  the 
Lord  showed  abundantly  that  He  was  able  to 
make  His  people  a  great  nation  despite  the  most 
powerful  of  their  enemies.  Now  iu  its  exile  He 
again  showed  them  thai,  as  for  Himself,  He  now 
no  longer  had  need  of  them  as  a  people,  at  least 
as  a  politically  independent  one.  The  great  deeds 
that  were  then  done  were  edifying  and  elevating 
in  tendency;  what  He  now  did  was  momentous 
and  instructive.  It  was  plainly  evident  that  He 
could  accomplish  His  purpose  aside  from  exter- 
nal means  or  political  circumstances.  It  is  still 
more  manifest  than  it  then  was  that  it  has  pleased 
Him  to  be  powerful  in  those  who  are  weak,  and 
great  in  those  who  have  little  influence.  In  those 
days  he  prepared  as  His  instruments  the  chief 
persons  and  princes  of  His  own  people,  who  were 
in  an  especial  manner  filled  with  the  Spirit. 
Now,  however,  he  employs  instead  the  satraps 
and  governors  of  Persia,  little  as  they  were  will- 
ing or  fit  for  such  work.  Together  with  and 
among  kings,  such  as  Cyrus  and  Ahasuerus,  they 
must  also  further  God's  purposes.  There  was  a 
time  when  the  Lord  had  caused  fear  and  terror 
to  fall  upon  the  peoples  before  Israel,  especial  y 
those  who  stood  opposed  in  war,  so  that  they  fled 
from  before  them  (comp.  Dent.  ii.  25).  Now, 
however,  the  princes  and  governors,  who  had 
great  fear,  were  obliged  to  protect  the  rights  of 
the  subjects  of  the  king,  and  thus  they  protected 
Israel.  This  corresponded  entirely  to  His  great- 
ness.    Therein  is  shown  His  claim  as  the  God 


of  all  men.  This  is  itself  further  evinced  by  the 
fact  that,  if  His  people  will  only  become  more 
spiritual,  as  is  His  wish,  and  partake  of  His  na- 
ture, He  will  by  no  means  leave  them  fatherless. 
But  the  more  spiritual  His  kingdom,  i.  e.,  His 
people,  will  become,  the  more  will  He  assist  them 
to  arrive  at  truth,  justice,  aud  security  through 
the  world  while  in  it. 

On  vers.  5-11.  1.  We  now  know  a  different  and 
better  mode  of  conquering  enemies  than  by  the 
sword  and  through  bloodshed.  We  know  that 
love  only  will  gain  the  victory  over  hate.  The 
people  of  God  is  strongest  where  it  is  given  over 
to  sacrifice  and  suffering.  But  we  know  further 
that  this  spiritual  mode  of  combat  and  victory 
has  become  possible  only  since  the  time  when  we 
received  spiritual  strength  and  weapons.  In  the 
Old  Testament  time  one  could  only  speak  of  an 
external  victory  over  opponents,  but  not  of  an  in- 
ternal one.  Hence  we  find  it  explicable  why  Is- 
rael was  compelled  to  fight  such  sanguinary  bat- 
tles and  merciless  wars  of  destruction.  What  is 
most  striking  in  our  history  is  the  fact  that  the 
Jews,  although  living  in  circumstances  in  which 
they  did  not  need  to  wield  the  sword,  neverthe- 
less seized  the  sword.  Though  they  were  no 
more  a  people  in  a  political  sense,  and  hence 
could  not  procure  help  for  themselves,  still  they 
acted  as  a  separate  political  community.  The 
cause  that  made  them  wield  the  sword  of  destruc- 
tion with  much  the  greater  pleasure  and  satisfac- 
tion was  the  fact  that  Esther  stood  at  their  head, 
and  instead  of  bespeaking  a  shortening  of  the 
work  of  blood,  she  promoted  it.  It  is  observable 
also  that  after  the  destruction  of  so  many  ene- 
mies, instead  of  expressing  pai'n  that  it  needed 
so  severe  a  conflict,  she  manifested  only  joy  over 
their  success.  But  we  may  nevertheless  ask 
whether  condemnation  of  the  then  Jews,  whom 
one  judges  so  severely  often,  as  well  as  criticism 
of  the  author,  who  must  have  thought  and  felt  as 
they  did,  does  not  proceed  from  a  loo  rigid  doc- 
trinal stand-point,  which  is  inclined  to  measure 
every  thing  by  an  arbitrary  standard,  without 
sufficient  regard  for  circumstances.  We  would 
doubtless  excuse  the  then  expressions  of  vindic- 
tiveness,  were  it  not  for  the  principle  that  seems 
to  be  involved.  For  in  a  real  war,  in  which  the 
patriotic  feeling  has  supreme  control,  and  the 
weakening  of  an  enemy  is  a  duty  of  self-preser- 
vation, we  find  such  feelings  as  are  exhibited  in 
Judaism  and  Esther  very  natural,  to  say  the  least. 
We  also  perceive  the  same  sentiments  often  dis- 
played by  Israel  in  its  earlier  conflicts,  without 
taking  so  serious  an  account  of  them.  But  the 
main  objection  really  fails.  For  the  carnage  was 
not  of  their  free  will,  but  a  matter  of  stern  ne- 
cessity. It  resulted  from  the  peculiar  situation 
of  the  case;  in  fact  it  was  so  ordered  by  the  go- 
vernment that  the  Jews  should  seize  the  sword. 
They  were  not  only  entitled,  but  actually  neces- 
sitated in  this  case  to  return  to  their  political  in- 
dependence. Hence  the  older  interpreters  very 
properly  lay  great  stress  upon  the  fact  that  the 
Jews  did  not  venture  this  of  themselves,  but  at 
the  instance  of  higher  authority.  Starke  also 
says:  ••  It  is  one  thing  to  take  revenge  of  one's 
self,  another  to  do  so  on  the  order  of  authority; 
not  the  latter,  but  the  former,  is  forbidden.  The 
simple  command  of  a  government  will  justify  such 


CHAP.  IX.  1— X.  3. 


an  act  only  in  so  far  as  it  is  a  guaranty  against 
pure  thirst  for  revenge.  Every  thing  hen  depends 
upon  the  disposition  of  mind.  But  we  would  cer- 
tainly misjudge  the  temper  of  the  then  Jews  were 
we  to  assume  that  because  the  people  were 
but  a  religious  community,  we  are  at  liberty  to 
apply  a  Christian  standard  to  them.  It  would 
be  unjust  to  deny  them  the  privilege,  which  they 
as  an  independent  people  formerly  enjoyed,  of 
rejoicing  in  a  victory  over  their  enemies;  and 
it  would  be  little  to  the  purpose,  if  instead  of 
aiming  at  their  conversion,  we  acquiesced  in 
their  destruction.  Instead  of  justifying  the  com- 
plaint that,  we  do  not  pay  sufficient  regard  to 
those  Old  Testament  national  conditions,  we  must 
also  remember  that  Old  Testament  saints  could 
not  well  avoid  often  taking  a  stand-point  opposed 
to  their  enemies,  just  as  we  are  still  allowed  to 
assume  a  position  at  variance  with  those  in  en- 
mity against  God.  Besides,  we  are  not  to  forget 
that,  for  those  who  will  not  join  themselves  to 
the  kingdom  or  people  of  God,  whatever  its  form 
or  degree  of  development,  this  very  hostility  is  a 
ground  of  condemnation.  All  things  that  cannot 
be  employed  for  a  good  end  will  finally  issue  in 
destruction  and  extinction.  This  is  still  true, 
and  will  be  true  until  the  end  of  time.  In  the 
same  manner  even  the  angels  in  heaven  could  not 
have  acted  differently  from  Esther  with  regard 
to  those  enemies  in  the  city  of  Shushan.  We 
would  be  more  just  to  Esther,  to  the  Jews  spoken 
of  in  our  book,  and  to  the  book  itself,  if,  in  what 
was  done  in  Shushan  as  well  as  in  all  Persia,  we 
would  see  an  anticipation  of  the  judgments  con- 
nected and  parallel  with  the  progress  of  the  king- 
dom of  God  on  earth,  and  especially  of  the  final 
judgment.  If  the  animus  of  the  0.  T.  with  re- 
spect to  the  destruction  of  enemies  seems  to  us 
terribly  vindictive,  rather  than  mild,  yet  this 
may  not  only  be  excusable,  but  may  even  be  a 
prophetic  intimation  The  fact,  so  prominently 
and  emphatically  expressed,  in  the  present  in- 
stance, that  the  Jews  did  not  stretch  out  their 
hands  after  the  goods  (spoil)  of  their  enemies, 
proves  to  us  that  they  meant  to  conduct  this  con- 
test as  a  measure  of  self-protection,  or  better  as 
a  holy  war,  the  sole  purpose  of  which  was  the 
removal  of  their  enemies. 

Brenz:  "This  example,  however,  is  set  be- 
fore us  not  that  we  should  take  it  upon  ourselves 
to  avenge  injuries,  according  to  our  own  judg- 
ment, but.  that  we  may  recognize  the  severity  of 
the  divine  wrath  against  the  impious  persecutor 
of  the  people  of  God,  and  that  in  persecution  we 
might  most  confidently  expect  deliverance  through 
faith,  and  be  obedient  to  the  calls  of  God." 

2.  That  the  sons  of  Haman  should  also  suffer 
wasagree able  to  Persian  law,  according  to  whiM), 
in  many  cases,  the  whole  circle  of  relationship  of 
a  criminal  must  suffer  death  with  him  (comp. 
Antra.  Marcell.  xxiii.  6).  Nor  was  this  mode  of 
proceeding  contrary  to  the  Mosaic  code.  The 
law  that  the  children  should  not  die  for  their 
fathers  (more  correctly  :  atthesame  time),  Deut, 
xxiv.  16,  was  only  applicable  to  those  ca*<es  in 
which  the  children  had  no  part  in  the  crime  of 
their  parents  (comp.  2  Kings  xiv.  6  ;  2  Chron. 
xxv.  4).  Doubtless  the  sons  of  Haman  belonged 
to  those  who  were  inimical  to  the  Jews  and  at- 
tacked them;   indeed  the;'  may  have  been  their 


bitterest  enemies.  It  is  fair  to  suppose  them  in 
the  same  state  of  mind  with  their  father,  so  that 
Isa.  xiv.  21  came  true  in  their  case.  Esther  re- 
quested that,  after  they  were  executed,  they 
should  also  be  hung.  That  the  Jews  really  exe- 
cuted this  climax  of  punishment,  may  indicate 
the  especially  severe  judgment  that  will  overtake 
those  who  are  the  principal  agents  of  Antichrist 
on  earth;  and  this  illustrates  the  truth  that 
opposition  against  whatever  is  antagonistic  to 
goodness  and  piety,  must  rise  till  it  reaches  its 
overwhelming  acme.  This  is  a  principle  valid 
even  for  Christians,  that  they  must,  be  in  a  hos- 
tile attitude  to  evil  to  the  last  degree. 

Brenz:  "  This  is  written  in  admonition  of  pa- 
rents, in  order  that  they  may  bo  incited  to  cul- 
tivate piety,  le3t  along  with  themselves  they  may 
also  drag  their  children  down  into  destruction. 
Such  severity  of  God  is  stated  in  the  Decalogue: 
'  Visiting  the  iniquity  of  the  fathers  upon  the 
children  to  the  third  and  fourth  generation  of 
those  that  hate  me  '  (comp.  John,  xviii.  17  sq.)." 

On  vers.  11-32.  1.  In  the  first  pages  of  our 
book  Ahasuerus,  together  with  the  representa- 
tives of  his  empire,  indeed  heathendom  itself, 
celebrated  a  great  feast.  Here,  at  the  end,  how- 
ever, it  is  for  the  Jewish  people  to  celebrate  a 
feast.  The  way  of  the  world  hegins  with  plea- 
sure and  mirth,  but  does  not  end  so.  The  way 
of  God's  people  leads  through  sorrow,  but  at  its 
end  is  the  great  feast  which  is  described  by  Zech. 
in  chap,  xiv  ,  as  a  feast  of  tabernacles;  since  it 
will  be  celebrated  in  the  tabernacles  of  undis- 
turbed peace.  This,  accordingto  Isa.  xxv.  6  sqq., 
may  also  be  the  celebrating  feast  of  salvation  and 
consolation,  in  which  God  will  wipe  away  all 
tears  from  all  eyes.  We  here  have  to  do  with 
the  celehration  of  a  feast  in  time.  This  obvi- 
ously differs  greatly  from  the  heathen  festival. 
When  iu  later  centuries  Purim  was  celebrated 
with  heathenish  abandon  and  luxury,  when  it 
seemed  to  the  Jews  that  they  regarded  it  as  a 
duty  to  so  intoxicate  themselves  so  that  they 
could  not  distinguish  between  the  names  of  Mor- 
decai  and  Haman,  this  became  a  striking  proof 
to  how  low  a  level,  even  to  heathenism,  Judaism 
had  sunk. 

The  festivals  that  the  people  of  the  Lord  as 
such  celebrate,  have  quite  a  different  purpose 
from  those  of  heathendom.  Ahasuerus  aimed  to 
show  the  riches  of  his  glorious  kingdom.  God's 
people  desire  first  of  all  to  praise  God's  grace. 
They  would  give  thanks  for  the  gifts  bestowed 
upon  them.  They  would  secure  ami  keep  what 
they  already  have  by  rendering  thanks  and  praise 
to  God  as  its  author.  Their's  are  feasts  of  grati- 
tude. Hence  these  also  have  a  different  charac- 
ter from  the  others.  The  pious  cannot  manifest 
their  spirit  of  gratitude  to  God  for  all  His  bene- 
fits without  also  proving  this  by  benefaction  to 
their  brethren  in  the  faith.  The  love  of  God  has 
kindled  love  to  their  fellows  in  their  hearts;  this 
would  prove  itself  in  deeds  of  kindness  and  be- 
nevolence. They  would  confess  their  allegiance 
to  God  as  to  one  mild  and  kindly;  they  would 
else  deny  Him  were  they  not  to  give  sway,  on 
their  part,  to  mildness  and  kindliness.  Their 
festivals,  therefore,  are  seasons  of  refreshing, 
but  especially  so  to  the  poorer  brethren  among 
them   (comp.   vers.   19,  21).     At  the  same  time 


96 


THE  BOOK  OF  ESTHER. 


there  is  joined  to  their  spirit  of  rejoicing  one  of 
great  seriousness.  They  cannot  enjoy  their  de- 
liverance without  also  looking  back  upon  the  sor- 
row that  preceded  it.  They  can  ouly  appreciate 
the  former  by  taking  a  full  view  of  the  latter. 
They  do  not  forget  that  though  salvation  is  theirs, 
still  there  are  even  yet  abundant  causes  for  sor- 
row and  grief.  The  chief  cause  of  this  is  the 
remaius  of  sin  in  them.  As  the  Mazzoth  (unlea- 
vened) days  are  followed  by  the  serious  Paschal 
sacrifice,  and  as  the  joy  of  the  feast  of  taberna- 
cles is  preceded  by  the  repentance  of  the  fast  of 
the  day  of  atonement,  so  also  here  the  joyous 
feast  of  Purim  is  connected  with  a  preparation 
of  fasting  and  mourning  (comp.  ver.  31).  In 
eternity  also  will  this  transition  hold  true. 

Starke:  "  It  is  the  privilege  of  God's  children 
to  rejoice  in  the  Lord  (Deut.  xii.  15;  Phil.  iv. 
4).  When  God  presents  us  with  days  of  joy  and 
blessing,  we  should  also  remember  the  poor,  (Sir. 
xiv.  4;   Ps.  xxii.  27  sqq.)." 

2.  In  Deut  xiii.  1,  it  is  commanded  neither  to 
add  to  nor  to  take  from  the  law.  If  then  the 
Jewish  people  nevertheless  added  another  feast 
to  those  already  existing  then,  doubtless  they 
took  into  account  the  principle  that  what  one  is 
encouraged  to  do  in  view  of  a  certain  law  is  not 
so  much  an  addition  as  an  outflow  of  the  same. 
At  any  rate  the  Jewish  church  already  began  in 
this  manner  to  assume  a  freer  position  with  re- 
spect to  the  Law.  And  this,  if  the  interior  im- 
pulse be  true,  not  so  much  to  the  letter  as  rather 
to  the  spirit,  would  be  Bt ill  loyal;  nor  could  it 
very  easily  transform  the  "  writing."  spoken  of 
in  vers.  21,  27,  into  an  objectionable  system  of 
statute  law. 

Stakke:  "We  can  well  receive  or  retain  good 
church  ceremonies,  if  only  they  are  not  opposed 
to  the  Word  of  God,  in  view  of  our  Christian  free- 
dom.    Even  the  holidays  ordered  by  the  autho- 


rities of  one's  country  should  be  celebrated  in  a 
becoming  tnuuuer  (Zech.  vii.  2-5)." 

On  chap.  x.  That  next  to  the  great  power  of 
Ahasuerus,  having  such  extensive  dominions,  all 
subject  to  taxation,  the  greatness  of  the  Jew  Mor- 
decai  should  have  been  handed  down  to  the  me- 
mory of  all  times  in  the  books  of  record  of  re- 
markable events  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  was 
a  great  honor  to  the  Jews.  To  this  day  they  re- 
joice over  his  elevation.  But  they  may  well  look 
to  it  to  see  whether  they  may  now  claim  him  as 
their  own.  That  which  God  especially  honored 
and  protected  in  Mordecai  and  the  then  Judaism, 
was  their  fidelity  to  Him  and  His  law.  And  only 
where  these  are  found  will  we  find  a  church  that 
may  receive  the  book  of  Esther  as  a  prophecy  of 
its  victory  and  continuance  in  spite  of  all  oppres- 
sions on  the  part  of  the  world. 

Brenz:  "The  Jews,  because  they  rejected 
Christ,  the  true  seed  of  Abraham,  are  now  no 
longer  the  people  of  God,  no  more  His  Church, 
but  belong  to  Ishmael  and  Esau,  who  always  have 
persecuted  the  true  seed  of  Abraham.  And  since 
they  persecute  the  true  Israel,  i.  e.,  Christians 
with  the  same  enmity  with  which  Haman  once  per- 
secuted them,  it  is  clear  that  they  are  themselves 
the  kindred  and  allies  of  Haman  the  Amalekile." 

Only  where  we  suffer  like  Mordecai  may  one 
take  comfort,  as  is  so  convincingly  expressed  in 
our  book  in  the  thought  that  the  crown  is  at  the 
end  of  the  cross. 

Fecardent:  "Mordecai,  in  order  to  vindicate 
the  glory  of  God  and  his  countrymen  from  the 
Hamanites,  endured  the  hatred  of  many.  He 
afflicted  himself  with  fastings,  prayers,  sackcloth, 
cryings.  and  lamentations  ;  he  constantly  spurned 
that  impious  man;  and  was  at  last  adjudged  to 
suffer  on  the  ignominious  cross.  Now,  however, 
by  the  singular  favor  of  God  he  is  crowned  be- 
yond all  men  (Ahasuerus  alone  excepted)  with 
glory  and  honor  even  in  this  world." 


THE  END. 


Date  Due 

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